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Engraved from the original seal brought to America 
by John Mifflin, Sr., in 1679. 



LIFE AND ANCESTRY 



OF 



WARNER MIFFLIN 



iTricnb— pi)ilantl)ropi6t— IJotriot 



COMPI LED BY 

HILDA JUSTICE 




Pfjilalielpfjia 
FERRIS & LEACH 

29 NORTH SEVENTH STREET 

1905 



^^'\33/ 



^ 



\(\''' 



L)BH,'\?.y or JCN'i'^tSS 
Two Copies rtecBived 

MAY 10 iyo5 

Ouui'MiitMi c.iua 



J 



¥^l 



Note 

To the life- long interest and enthusiasm 
of Warner Mifflin's great-granddaughter, 
Sarah Mifflin Gay, is due in no small meas- 
ure the stimulus that resulted in gathering 
the material contained in the following 
pages. H. J. 

Philadelphia, December, 1901,. 



Copyright, 1905, by Ferris & Leach 




A^^^^ 



TO MY GREAT-AUNT 

ELIZABETH JOILNS NEALL GAY 

THE OLDEST LIVING DIRECT 

DESCENDANT 

OF 

WARNER MIFFLIN 

2ri)c0c pages are affectionatels mscribEli 



CONTENTS. 

Mifflin Genealogy 9 

Extract from " Memoranda Relating to the Mifflin Family," 

by J. H. Merrill, 1890 24 

An Account of the Mifflin Family, by Jonathan Mifflin, 

Sr., 1770 34 

A Biographical Note on Warner Mifflin, by Sarah Mifflin 

Gay 38 

Anecdote of Warner Mifflin from " The Letters of an 

American Farmer," by Hector St. John de Crevecoeur, 

1787 41 

Extracts Relating to Warner Mifflin, from " New Travels 

in the United States," by J. P. Brissot de Warville, 

1788 64 

Anecdotes and Memoirs of Warner Mifflin, from " Friends' 

Miscellany," Vol. V., No. 5 69 

"A Defense Against Aspersions," by Warner Mifflin, 1796 . 77 

Letter to Warner Mifflin, by Lomerie 102 

Extracts from the Diary of Elizabeth Drinker 103 

Two Letters to Henry Drinker, by Warner Mifflin 104 

Official Positions Held by Warner Mifflin 110 

Manumissions of Slaves, by Daniel and Warner Mifflin, 

1774-1777 Ill 

Extracts from Cecil Monthly Meeting Relating to Joseph 

Warner 129 

Marriage Certificate of Joseph and Ann Coale Warner .... 130 
Marriage Certificate of Daniel Mifflin and Mary Warner, 

1744 132 

Marriage Certificate of Daniel Mifflin and Ann Walker, 

1757 134 

Marriage Certificate of Daniel Neall and Sarah Mifflin, 

1810 136 



Extracts Relating to Warner Mifflin, from Minutes of Duck 
Creek, Little Creek, and Murtherkill Monthly Meet- 
ings 138 

Extracts from Certificate Book, Murtherkill Meeting 157 

From Records of Yearly Meeting of Friends for Pennsyl- 
vania and New Jersey: Committee Appointed to 

Visit Howe and Washington, 1777 158 

Report of Committee, 1778 162 

From Duck Creek Records: Report of Committee for 

Reformation, 1778 165 

From Records of Yearly Meeting of Friends for Pennsyl- 
vania and New Jersey: Address to Congress on 

Slavery, Signed by 535 Friends, 1783 167 

From Records of Yearly Meeting of Friends for Pennsyl- 
vania, New Jersey, Delaware and Western Parts of 
Maryland and Virginia: Address to Congress on 

Slavery and the Slave Traffic, 1789 170 

From Records of Yearly Meeting of Friends for Pennsyl- 
vania, etc.: Address to Congress on Exemption from 

Military Duty, 1790 177 

"A Serious Expostulation with the Members of the House 
of Representatives of the United States," by Warner 

Mifflin, 1793 183 

From Records of Yearly Meeting of Friends for Philadel- 
phia : Address to Congress on Slavery, 1797 198 

Will of Anne Eyre, 1720 203 

Will of Edward Mifflin, 1740 207 

Extract from Will of Mary Mifflin, 1772 210 

Deed, Daniel and Warner Mifflin, 1790 211 

Will of Daniel Mifflin, 1795 218 

Will of Warner Mifflin, 1798 223 

Extract from Will of Anne Emlen Mifflin, 1811 228 

Note on the Mifflin Homesteads 229 

Daniel Neall, Poem by John Greenleaf Whittier 231 

Thomas Foulke Genealogy 232 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



The Mifflin Arms Frontispiece 

Engraved from the original seal brought to America 
by John Mifflin, Sr., in 1679. Seal in the possession 
of Mrs. William Mifflin, of Philadelphia. Plate in 
the possession of Mrs. James Mifflin, of Philadelphia. 



OPP. PAGE 

Map of Philadelphia and Parts Adjacent . . 9 '^ 

With a perspective view of the State-House, by N. 
Scull and G. Heap, 1750. Photographed from the 
map in the possession of Mr. Graham Calvert, of 
Philadelphia. 

Title Page of Warner Mifflin's "Defense 
Against Aspersions" 77 

Printed in Philadelphia, 1796. From the original in 
the possession of Mr. Frank L. Neall, of Philadelphia. 

Warner Mifflin's Deed of Manumission, 1775 .112 

Photographed from the original, in the possession of 
his granddaughter, Mrs. Elizabeth Johns Neall Gay, 
of Staten Island, N. Y. 



%iU anti ^ncestrg of SEarner JUimin. 



gA MAP OF PHILADELPHIi avd PARTS ^^^dJacExTI; 

Q W.lh a FLRSPEmM \im-o! th^-g3:4T£r)IJS£. ^-NScl u WG. H»p fe 




.^^ ^ - 1 ^ c 

^rt&iiy I,* ♦ 

;.'^ ^-^ ' 

Xij'jl'i j ■< •■ 

^,an \i-S 

ItrMUn, J8'€ 

7- If* 

^.V/- .«?.../ 2 7 

BiW-: ;- <• 

XW.. .'- |7 7 

/3,„fJ'<-yf — p : 

."•■'»* .1 / 



T. John Mikmjn, born lO'iH, WarrriinHt(;r, Wlltrtlilro, 
J'>fi;^lan<I; c/drDC to Aincnc/d 1070-71^, ari'J 
BCttlofJ arijoii^; llif; SvvcdoH on Ui<; l)(;lawan;; 
located at, '' I'ounlain Oro<;n," 8 ino. Hi, 
1080, tlif; narrif; ^ivon hy liirn to iho origi- 
nal plan1,at,ion on liif; Scliiiylkill Kivor, now 
included in Fain/iount I'ark, whicJi <-.oii- 
siHtcd of two linndnd and Hoveuty acroH of 
lanfJ. Tho titio wax confirnif;d })y patent 
from VVilliarii Ponn, dated 5 nio. 18, 1084, 
having originally bf;(;n grant.od by tho 
Court at IJplari'l, t.ltcu hold at KingnoHft, 
8 mo. Ki, H;80, nfiOJi the iJnko of York's 
rito.' 

Ilin first wif<; fnarrio not knovvnj die') 
Hhortly aftfjr coming to America, Ijut she 
was the mother of John, Fl. His .second 
wife was Eleanor, whom lie married be- 
tween 1084 and \(\'Xi. He died Philadel- 
phia, 7 mo. 4, 1710. 

TT. John, born Wiltshire, England, 1001-C3; mar- 
ried i'hiladelphia, 12 mo. ('», U>H'',, VAha- 

1 From " M<;mor;j.ri<Ja lifilatiuj.' f,o thf; Miflliri Family," by 
J. II. Merrill, p. 20. 



10 Life and ^nttmv of 

Genealogy ^eth Hardy, of Derbyshire, England, who 
came to America, 1682, and settled in 
Darby, Pa. She was born about 1663, and 
died Philadelphia, 6 mo. 21, 1736. 

John Mifflin died Philadelphia, 4 mo. 4, 
1714. 

CHILDREN OF JOHN AND ELIZABETH (hAEDy) 
MIFFLIN. 

III. 1. Edward, born " Fountain Green " (now 
part of Fairmount Park), Philadelphia, 
1685; moved to Accomac County, Va. ; 
married Mary Eyre, daughter of Daniel and 
Ann (Neech) Eyre, of Northampton 
County, Va.; died Accomac County, Va., 
1743. Will dated 10 mo. 7, 1740; probated 

5 mo. 31, 1743; recorded Accomac County, 
Va., Eecords, Vol. 1737-1743, p. 470. 

Mary Mifflin died 1775. Will dated 

6 mo. 18, 1772; probated 3 mo. 25, 1775; 
recorded Accomac County, Va., Eecords, 
Vol. 1772-77, p. 312. For proof of mar- 
riage, see Deed to Thomas Savage, Jr., Vol. 
17, p. 63, Northampton County, Va., 
Records, dated 11 mo. 11, 1726. She was 
the widow of Southey Littleton, of Hun- 
gars, when she married Edward Mifflin. 
Edward and Mary Mifflin lived at their plan- 
tation, called " Pharsalia," situated on the 



Earner Mifflin* n 

Mifflin north side of the mouth of Swansgutt 
Genealogy ., " 

Creek, in the northern part of Accomac 
County, just below the Maryland line, on 
the ocean side of the peninsula. 

Daniel Eyre was the youngest of the 
three sons (John, Thomas and Daniel) of 
Thomas and Susanna (Baker) Eyre. 
Thomas Eyre was a Quaker. He lived on 
the ocean side of the eastern shore of Vir- 
ginia, in Northampton County, at his plan- 
tation, called " Golden Quarter." He died, 
1657. Will dated 11 mo. 18, 1657; pro- 
bated 12 mo. 12, 1657; recorded Vol. 7, 
p. 72, Northampton County, Va., Records. 
Susanna (Baker) Eyre died circa 1683. 
She married (2d) Captain Erancis Potts, and 
(3d) Lieutenant-Colonel William Kendall. 

Tradition says Thomas Eyre (who was in 
Northampton County, Va., before 11 mo., 
1643), was sent down by William Penn, 
commissioned to aid in establishing Quaker 
Meeting Houses on the peninsula. He was 
a man of some wealth, and bequeathed 
lands to his sons, John, Thomas and 
Daniel. 

Susanna (Baker) Eyre was the sister of 
Daniel Baker. In his will he gives prop- 
erty to William Kendall, Jr., and Mary 



12 Mtt anD ancegttp of 

Genealogy Kendall, " the son and daughter of Lieut.- 
Col. William Kendall, and my sister 
Susanna his wife," Yol. 7-8, p. 12, I^^orth- 
ampton County, Va., Records. See also 
Bill of Sale of Mare by Daniel Baker to 
his " brother William Kendall, for the 
joint benefit of John, Thomas and Daniel 
Eyre." Vol. 1657-1666, p. 81, dated 
1 mo. 28, 1662, For proof that Susanna 
was the mother of John, Thomas and 
Daniel Eyre, see release from Thomas 
Eyre to Lieut.-Col, William Kendall, 10 mo. 
28, 1678. See, also, patent to " Eyre Hall," 
dated 3 mo, 30, 1662, granted to John, 
Thomas and Daniel Eyre by Governor Sir 
William Berkeley, and divided 5 mo. 28, 
1688, Vol II., Deeds and Wills, etc., p. 172, 
Northampton County, Va., Records. The 
patent was made out in the name of Lieut.- 
Col. William Kendall, their stepfather, who 
conveyed it to them, and stated in Deed of 
Conveyance that the land was theirs in right 
of their father, Thomas Eyre, but that he 
had caused patent to be made for convey- 
ance and better management of the prop- 
erty. John Eyre, the eldest son, having 
heired the old home place, " Golden Quar- 
ter," sold his interest in the patented lands 
to his brothers, for a nominal sum. 



Earner ^imin* i3 

2. Geoege, born " Foimtain Green," 1688; mar- 
ried Philadelphia, 11 mo. 29, 1713, Esther 
Cordery, daughter of Hugh and Deborah 
Cordery. He lived in Philadelphia, was 
admitted freeman of the city, April or May, 
1717; merchant, 1736; member of Common 
Council, 1730; member of Governor's 
Council, 1730; owner, in 1731, of interest 
in Colebrookdale Furnace, erected 1720, 
and said to be the oldest in Pennsylvania. 
By his father's will he received a house and 
lot on south side of High Street. He died 
Philadelphia, 4 mo. 10, 1758. 

3. John, born "Fountain Green," 1690; mar- 
ried Elizabeth; lived in Philadelphia and 
Kent County, Del. ; admitted freeman of 
Philadelphia, April or May, 1717; mer- 
chant, 1717; by his father's will he re- 
ceived a house and lot on High Street, 
adjoining that of his brother George; pur- 
chased, in 1716, house and lot on south side 
of Chestnut Street; died Kent County, 
Del., prior to 1733. 

4. Elizabeth, born "Fountain Green," 1692; 

married, prior to 1714, Benjamin Oram; 
died prior to 1733. 

5. Patience, born "Fountain Green," 1694; 

and died there 9 mo. 23, 1717, unmarried. 



14 Life anD ancesttp of 

6. Jane, born "Fountain Green," 1696; mar- 

ried, Philadelphia Monthly Meeting, 6 mo. 
30, 1717, John Waller. 

7. Samuel, born " Fountain Green," 1698; mar- 

ried Elizabeth; died Philadelphia, 8 mo. 
1, 1724. 

8. Jonathan, born "Fountain Green," 1699; 

and died there 3 mo. 15, 1700. 

9. Jonathan, " the Historian," born " Fountain 

Green," 4 mo. 12, 1704; married (1) Phila- 
delphia, 3 mo. 30, 1723, Sarah Robinson; 
married (2), between 8 mo. 28 and 9 mo. 

28, 1752, Rebecca Evans; married (3), 11 
mo. 9, 1758, Sarah Powell; died Philadel- 
phia, 10 mo. 15, 1781. Jonathan, the 
Historian, lived on a plantation near the 
Germantown Road, described in Varlies' 
map of 1802. Sarah Robinson was bom 
Philadelphia, 1706; died Philadelphia 5 mo. 

29, 1745. She was the daughter of Richard 
and Sarah (Jefferys) Robinson. He was an 
Englishman, who had been captured by 
pirates and held in slavery in Morocco, and 
was redeemed by the Quakers. Rebecca 
Evans died Philadelphia 10 mo. 13, 1753. 
Sarah Powell was born Philadelphia, 1711, 
and died Philadelphia, 1 mo. 21, 1792. She 

was Sarah Armitt and the widow of Wil- 



COarnet Qiifain* is 

Genealogy ^^^^ Powell, of the Powelton Farm, who 
died 1735. 

CHILDREN OF EDWAED AND MAEY (eYRE) 
MIFFLIN. 

IV. 1. John, born ; died . 

2. Daniel, born Accomac County, Va., 1722; 
married (1), 9 mo. 15, 1744, Mary Warner, 
daughter of Joseph and Ann (Coale) War- 
ner, of Kent County, Md., who was born 
3 mo. 7, 1727; married (2), 10 mo. 17, 
1757, Ann Walker, daughter of John 
Walker, of Accomac County, Va.; mar- 
ried (3), about 1788, Mary Pusey, daugh- 
ter of Joshua and Mary Pusey, of 
London Grove; died Accomac County, Va., 
12 mo. 31, 1795; buried in Family Burying 
Ground, Accomac. Will dated 12 mo. 22, 
1795; probated 4 mo. 27, 1796. 

Joseph Warner married Ann Coale 11 
mo. 6, 1725; died 11 mo. 10, 1730. 

"Mary (Pusey) MifSin, bom 6 mo. 8, 
1742, was the daughter of Joshua and Mary 
Pusey, of London Grove. She became a 
member of the Society of Friends at the 
age of seventeen. At the age of nineteen 
she married Joseph Husband, and moved to 
Duck Creek. Her first husband died in 



16 Life anD 3nce0trp of 



Mifflin 
Genealogy 



1786, leaving her with eight children to 
support, and but little means. She was 
afterwards married to Daniel Mifflin, and 
removed to his residence in Accomac 
Coimtj, Va.; after the death of her second 
husband she moved to Baltimore. In 1820 
she returned to Duck Creek, where she 
died 3 mo. 28, 1823." ' 

3. Ann, born ; died before 1743. 

4. Samuel, born ; died . 

5. SouTHEY, born ; married Johanna 

Thomas 6 mo. 13, 1750; died . 

CHILDREN OF DANIEL AND MAEY (wARNEr) 
MIFFLIN. 

V. 1. Warner, born "Pharsalia," Accomac County, 
Va.,8 mo. 21, 1745; married (1), Philadel- 
phia, 5 mo. 14, 1767, Elizabeth Johns; 
married (2), Philadelphia, 10 mo. 9, 1788, 
Ann Emlen; died 10 mo. 16, 1798, of yel- 
low fever, at " Chestnut Grove," near Cam- 
den, Del. Buried in Motherkill Burying 
Ground, near Camden, Del. Will probated 
1 mo. 17, 1799. 

Elizabeth Johns was the daughter of 
Kensey^ and Susanna Galloway Johns, of 

' " Friends' Miscellany," Vol. III., p. 46. 



matmt ^imin. i7 

Genealogy West Kiver, Md. Her father was the son of 
Kensey^ Johns and Elizabeth Benson Chew, 
and Kensey^ Johns was the son of Richard 
and Elizabeth Kensey Johns. 

Elizabeth Johns MifSin died 6 mo. 3, 
1786. 

Ann Emlen was the daughter of George 
and Ann Emlen, of Philadelphia. She was 
a " convinced friend/' wearing linen caps, 
and clothes the natural color of the wool. 
She died 3 mo. 22, 1815. Will dated 1811. 

2. Edward, born 7 mo. 15, 1747; deceased an 

infant. 

3. Ann, born 10 mo. 2, 1748. 

4. Sarah, born 2 mo. 10, 1751. 

5. Daniel, born 4 mo. 7, 1754; married Debo- 

rah Howell, 10 mo. 6, 1778; died 12 mo. 31, 
1812. 

CHILDREN OF DANIEL AND ANN (wALKEr) 
MIFFLIN. 

6. Walker, bom 8 mo. 5, 1758; married Sarah 

Blundell; died 1 mo. 3, 1790. 

7. Mary, bom 6 mo. 11, 1760; married Na- 

thaniel Hunn. 

8. Ann, bom 10 mo. 10, 1762. 

2 



18 Life anD ance0ttp of 

9. Elizabeth, born 2 mo. 18, 1765. 

10. Patience, born 12 mo. 17, 1766; married 

Jonathan Hunn, Jr., 8 mo. 12, 1789. 

11. Elizabeth, born 10 mo. 5, 1769; married 

Samuel Howell, 10 mo. 10, 1793. 

12. Sakah, born 5 mo. 21, 1772. 

13. Eyee, born 6 mo. 26, 1774; married 

Thomas Berry, of Cecil County, Md., 11 
mo. 12, 1800; died 1 mo. 7, 1802. 

14. Kebecca, born 4 mo. 21, 1777; married 

Joseph Galloway Rowland. 

CHILDEEN of WAKISTEE and ELIZABETH (jOHNS) 
MIFFLIN. 

VI. 1. Maby, born 4 mo. 21, 1768; died 2 mo. 23, 
1783. 

2. Elizabeth, born 2 mo. 14, 1770; died 2 mo. 

29, 1770. 

3. Elizabeth, born 1 mo. 26, 1771; married 

Clayton Cowgill, 7 mo. 18, 1792. 

4. Saeah, bom 4 mo. 4, 1773 ; died 7 mo., 1773. 

5. Ann, born 9 mo. 20, 1774; married Warner 

Eaisin, 5 mo. 19, 1795. 

6. Waenee, born 4 mo. 6, 1777; married (1) 

Sarah Ann ITewlin, 3 mo. 8, 1810; married 



raatner ^imin* 19 

GENS)Gy (2) Elizabeth Laws, 10 mo. 18, 1825; died 
1840. 

7. Susanna, bom 7 mo. 24, 1779. 

8. BLa-nnah, bom 10 mo. 30, 1781; died 5 mo. 

11, 1785, of the putrid sore throat. 

9. Sarah, born 12 mo. 9, 1784; married Daniel 

Neall, 3 mo. 21, 1810; died 2 mo. 5, 1837. 

CHILDREN OF WARNER AND ANN (eMXEn) 
MIFFLIN. 

10. Samuel Emlen, bom 4 mo. 6, 1790. 

11. Lemuel, born 3 mo. 23, 1792. 

12. Maky Ann, bom 3 mo., 1795; died 8 mo., 

1795. 



NEALL. 

children of DANIEL AND SARAH (mIFFLIN) 
NEALL. 

YIL 1. Sarah, born 5 mo. 29, 1813; died 7 mo. 19, 
1813. 

2. Warner Mifflin, born 5 mo. 2, 1815; died 

8 mo. 3, 1815. 

3. Daniel, born Ben Salem, 2 mo. 15, 1817; 

married Philadelphia, 6 mo. 21, 1839, 
Cecilia Anderson, daughter of James and 



20 Life anD ancesttp of 

G^EAL^oGY Cecilia (Wright) Anderson, of Talbot 
County, Md.; died 1 mo. 6, 1894. Cecilia 
A. IS'eall, born 12 mo. 25, 1806; died 2 mo. 

2, 1897. 

4. Elizabeth Johns, born Ben Salem, 11 mo. 7, 
1819; married Philadelphia, 11 mo. 7, 
1845, Sydney Howard Gay, of New York, 
son of Ebenezer and Mary Allyn Otis Gay, 
of Hingham, Mass. Sydney Howard Gay 
died 6 mo. 28, 1888. 

CHILDKEN OF DANIEL AND CECILIA (aNDERSOn) 
NEALL. 

VIII. 1. Eliza Townsend, born Philadelphia, 7 mo. 
6, 1840; married William Wirt Justice, 
6 mo. 11, 1862. 

2. Anna Yaughan, bom Philadelphia 7 mo. 28, 

1842; married Theodore Justice, 5 mo. 11, 
1871. 

3. Frank Lesley, born Philadelphia, 12 mo. 12, 

1844; maiTied (1), 11 mo. 24, 1870, Han- 
nah Woodnut Griscom, daughter of Dr. 
John D. and Margaret Acton Griscom; 
married (2), 8 mo. 11, 1881, Wilhelmina 
Walbaum, daughter of Rev. Adolphus and 
Charlotte ]^uper Walbaum, of Dalston, 
London, England. 



m^tntt ^ifdin. 21 

CHILDKEI>r OF WILLIAM W. AND ELIZA (nEALl) 
JUSTICE. 

IX. 1. Cecilia, born 7 mo. 5, 1864; died 5 mo. 12, 

1886. 

2. Maky Cook, born 12 mo. 23, 1867; married 
(1), 6 mo. 11, 1890, Leigbton Lee. He was 
born 10 mo. 5, 1866; died 11 mo. 15, 1898. 
Married (2), 5 mo. 24, 1904, Josbua Coffin 
Chase. 

CHILDREISr OF THEODORE AND ANNA (vAUGHAN NEALl) 
JUSTICE. 

IX. 1. Hilda, born 3 mo. 5, 1874. 

2. William Warner, born 11 mo. 8, 1878. 

CHILDREN OF FRANK L. AND HANNAH (WOODNUT 
GRISCOm) NEALL. 

IX. 1. Margaret Acton, born 9 mo. 16, 1874. 

2. Cecilia Helen, born 8 mo. 22, 1876. 

CHILDREN OF FRANK L. AND WILHELMINA (wALBAUm) 
NEALL. 

3. Charlotte Walbaum, born 3 mo. 28, 1883. 

4. Adelaide Walbaum, born 8 mo. 23, 1884. 

5. Josephine, born 4 mo. 10, 1887. 

6. Daniel, bom 4 mo. 22, 1894. 



22 Mit and ance^trp of 

CHILDEEN OF LEIGHTON AND MAEY (jUSTICe) 
LEE. 

X. 1. William Justice, bom 6 mo. 26, 1891. 

2. Leighton, born 9 mo. 12, 1893; died 4 mo. 

25, 1894. 

3. Benjamin, bom 11 mo. 4, 1894. 

4. Philip Leighton, born 1 mo. 30, 1899. 

CHILDEEN OF SYDNEY HOWAED AND ELIZABETH 

(neall) gay. 

VIII. 1. Waltee Otis, bom Staten Island, 7 mo. 19, 

1848; died 8 mo. 31, 1849. 

2. Saeah Mifflin, bom 5 mo. 5, 1852; died 

3 mo. 13, 1901. 

3. Maetin, born 5 mo. 15, 1854; married 9 mo. 

18, 1895, Julia De Witt Stone, born 7 mo. 
4, 1864, daughter of William F. and 
Martha (Young) Stone. 

4. Maey Otis, born 12 mo. 20, 1861; married 

5 mo. 28, 1889, William Goodenow Will- 
cox, son of William Henry and Annie 
Goodenow Willcox. William G. Willcox, 
born 2 mo. 8, 1859, in Heading, Mass. 

child of martin and JULIA (stone) gay. 

IX. 1. Maetha Stone, born 9 mo. 5, 1896. 



mntntx 9^imin. 23 

CHILDREN OF WILLIAM GOODENOW AND MAEY 

(oTis gay) WILLCOX. 
IX. 1. Henry, born 5 mo. 3, 1890. 

2. Sydney Gay, born 7 mo. 28, 1892. 

3. Daniel, bom 4 mo. 26, 1896. 

4. Elizabeth I^Teall, born 7 mo. 11, 1899. 

5. Anna Goodenow, born 4 mo. 27, 1903. 



EXTRACT FROM 

"MEMORANDA, RELATING TO THE 
MIFFLIN FAMILY," 

BY JOHN HOUSTON MERRILL.^ 

John Mifflin, senior, and John Mifflin, junior, 
father and son, came to America, from Warminster, 
Wiltshire, England, at some time prior to 1679. It 
is probable that they sailed in one of the five ships 
containing colonists, members of the Society of 
Friends, who disembarked at what is now Burling- 
ton, New Jersey, in 1677 or 1678.^ The first authen- 
tic record known to exist of the Mifflin family in 
America is as follows: 

Honerble Sir 

Wee whose names ar here under subscribed lately 
come from old England with Intent to inhabitt in this contry, 
And if yor Honor please to Grant us an order vunder yor hand 
to setle between Mr. Fitter Alderridge's Plantation & the 
flfalls of Dellowar River wee shall bee willing to embrace it & 
to hold it according to the custom of the country being a flSt 
place for Husbandmen: Wee may have land in Jersie side, but 
we ar willing to become Tennants to his Highness the Duke 
of Yourke if yor Honor please to give us the grant and to 
clear the Indians that now ... to send for the rest of or 
ffamilys use thereof, or or relations which Looke for a Re- 

^Pp. 5-11. Pub. 4 mo. 24, 1890, for private distribution. 

2 Smith's " History of New Jersey." Westeott and Scharf'a 
" History of Philadelphia," vol. I., p. 79. 

24 



m^mtt Mifflin* 25 

turne from us soe desiring yor answere by this bearer wee shall 
waite for it before we settle & shall Rest 
Your Humble Servants, 

although unknown, 

John Akarman, Sen., John Budd, 

John Akarman, Jun., John Mifflin, Sen., 

Robert Hoskins, John Mifflin, Jun., 

Daniel Brinson, Robert Lucas, 

Thomas Sibly, John Lucas, 

Wm. Clark, Samuel Clift, 
Thomas Revell. 

Burlington, June ye 23rd, 1679.1 

The next authentic record appears in the proceed- 
ings of the provisional court, established by the au- 
thority of Governor Andros, the representative of the 
Duke of York, at Upland, on the Delaware. On the 
13th day of the 8th month, 1680, the Court, then 
sitting at Kingsess, makes the following order: 

Upon the peticon of John Mifflin, senior, The Court doe 
Grant him to take up 150 acres of Land, wtMn ye Courts Lim- 
its weh heretofore hath not ben Granted, taken up or Improved 
by others, hee seating & Improving ye same according to Lawe 
& Regulacons. 

Upon the peticon of John Mifflin, Junior, the Court doe 
grant him to take up 150 acres of Land, wthin ye Courts Lim- 
its, wch heretofore hath not ben Granted or taken up by others, 
hee seating & Improving ye same according to Lawe & Regu- 
lacons.- 

^ From documents relating to the " Colonial History of New 
York," vol. XII., p. 623; " New Jersey Archives " (First Series), 
vol. I., p. 289. 

= " Records of Upland Court, 1676-1681." Vol. VII., Penn- 
sylvania Historical Society, p. 182. 



26 Life anD ancestrp of 

These grants, found among those made by this 
Court to Swedes, confirm the family tradition that 
the father and son first lived for awhile among the 
Swedes on the Delaware. This places the family as 
one of the earliest, if not the first, of the English set- 
tlers in Pennsylvania. The spot chosen as their 
future home was probably little less beautiful then 
than now. It was a tract of three hundred acres of 
land on the east bank of the Schuylkill, now included 
in Fairmount Park. Here father and son lived, in 
a small building by the water-side, tradition says, 
and began the cultivation of their land. They were 
thus located upon property which remained in the 
possession of the family for many succeeding genera- 
tions, at least two years prior to the arrival of Wil- 
liam Penn. As soon as Penn had reached his new 
possessions, accompanied and followed by numbers of 
sturdy Priends, who proceeded to lay the foundations 
of Philadelphia, and to locate on all sides of these 
settlers who had preceded them, measures were taken 
to obtain a confirmation of the title to their land. 
Accordingly, on the 18th day of the 5th month, 
1684, Penn confirmed the original gi-ant as follows: 

William Penn, by the Providence of God and the King's 
authority, Proprietary of the Province of Pennsylvania and 
ye territories thereunto belonging. To all to whom these pres- 
ents shall come sendeth Greeting: 

Whereas, there is a tract of land in ye county of Philadel- 
phia, Beginning at a corner marked Hickory, standing on ye 
east side of Schuylkill ; then North-east & by East by the land 



matntt 9^min. 2T 

of Dennis Rotchford three hundred and thirty perches to a 
corner marked White Oak; then South and by East by the 
land of Swan Swanson and Corapa. one hundred and fifty 
perches to a corner marked Red Oak; then South-west & by 
West a half Westerly by Vacant land three hundred & ten 
perches to a corner marked Black Oak, standing on Schuylkill 
River, to ye first-mentioned Hickory tree, containing two hun- 
dred and seventy acres of land, granted by an Ordr of Court 
at Kingsess, bearing date ye 13th day of ye 8th month, 1680, 
& resurveyed by a Warrant from myself, bearing date ye 24tb 
day of ye 4th month, 1683 & laid out by the Surveyor Genl ordr 
ye 5th day of ye sd month & year unto John Mifflin, Senr & 
Junior & ye sd John Mifflin, Senr & Junr requesting me to con- 
firm ye same by Patent. Kno ye that I have given, granted 
& confirmed, &e. &c. 

Illlllllllllll 
Wm. Penn — locus sigilli — 

Illlllllllllll 

Upon the original patent there are two endorse- 
ments of record, showing, first, a conveyance by John 
Mifflin, senior, in fee simple, to his wife, Eleanor 
Mifflin, dated September 25th, 1693, and, second, a 
reconveyance, for the consideration of £115, from 
John and Eleanor to John Mifflin, junior, dated June 
10th, 1698/ 

The location of this grant is determined by the 
description in the original patent, subsequent con- 
veyances between members of the family, and various 
records and traditions. It was a tract of three hun- 
dred acres, covering that portion of Fairmount Park 

* Recorded in Patent Book " A," vol. IV., p. 357, Recorder's 
Office, Philadelphia. 



28 Life anD ancestcp of 

now known as Fountain Green and Rockland. 
While its exact limits could not be ascertained from 
the original description, because of the obliteration 
of the landmarks, without a laborious examination 
and comparison of numerous chains of title now 
merged into the Fairmount Park property, a rough 
survey, based upon the original description, and locat- 
ing certain boundaries by subsequent conveyances 
from members of the family, leaves its general loca- 
tion beyond doubt. What is still known as Mifflin's 
Lane formed the southeastern line. This was origi- 
nally a clearly-marked road leading from the Ridge 
Road to the Schuylkill, passing near the south- 
eastern line of the new reservoir, and crossing the 
main Park drive near the corner of that structure. 
Little is left but the marks of this ancient lane on old 
maps to indicate its course in that part towards the 
Ridge Road. The growth of a city which was only 
a village when it was first used has obliterated it. 
But the other portion towards the Schuylkill is 
marked by two rows of majestic trees with inter- 
twined branches, making what was once a beautiful 
and shaded approach to the old homestead near the 
ri^^er. Another, and perhaps equally enduring monu- 
ment, is the name Fountain Green. It is now impos- 
sible to say when this name was given to the family 
property, but it is used so early in deeds and wills as 
to fairly imply that it dates from the second or third 
generation. Its appropriateness is striking. At the 



matmt Mifflin* 29 

end of Mifflin's Lane, and in a semicircle of fine old 
trees, whose branches must have swept its roof, stood 
the Mifflin home, while a few feet from its door was 
a large spring of clear, pure water. The spring 
remains, walled up, it is trne, and architecturally 
beautified to suit the purposes of a city park, but all 
that is left of the house is a pile or two of crumbled 
bricks and a few scattered foundation stones, the rest 
being probably imbedded in the remarkably natural 
grotto which surrounds the spring. This house, of 
which at this day only the vaguest descriptions can be 
obtained, remained in the possession of a branch of 
the family until 1806. For years prior to this time it 
was the country residence of Colonel Jonathan Mif- 
flin, of the fifth generation, one of the wealthiest 
members of the family, and who must be distin- 
guished from his equally wealthy relative of the same 
name, known as Jonathan the "Historian," and of 
the third generation, who owned a house on German- 
town lload, which was destroyed by the British dur- 
ing the Ke volution. About the time mentioned. 
Colonel Jonathan Mifflin met with severe losses to his 
merchant vessels trading with China and India, by 
French spoliations. Fountain Green was sacrificed 
with most of his other property in payment of his 
debts, and he moved to Columbia on the Susque- 
hanna, where he died, leaving his claims against an 
unjust government, and the traditions clustering 
about Fountain Green, as almost his only legacies to 



30 Life anD ance^trp of 

his children. Could the history of the property pause 
here, it would perhaps be more desirable. The ideas 
suggested by such a beautiful country-place, the home 
of six successive generations of the same family, held 
by a title antedating that of Penn himself, surrounded 
by other similar places, and only a few miles from all 
the gay and fashionable world of a large city, must 
have been attractive even to this family of Friends. 
But the reverses of fortune were soon to cause the 
destruction of the homestead by fire, communicated 
by sparks from an engine on the new railroad, and, 
later, Fountain Green, like the adjoining estates of 
Sedgeley and Rockland, which had previously been 
carved out of the original property, became a part of 
Fairmount Park. The southeastern line of the 
original grant, as has been said, was Mifflin's Lane. 
The northeastern was about the line of the Ridge 
Road, from which point the northwestern extended 
to the Schuylkill at a point near the Rockland Land- 
ing, and the southwestern boundary followed the 
windings of the Schuylkill to the point where Mif- 
flin's Lane ran down to the river, perhaps a couple of 
hundred yards above the tunnel through Promontory 
Rock.^ 

From a document entitled " Returns of Inhabitants 
and Lands owned and Improved in portions of Phila- 

* The descent of Fountain Green as traced in the public 
records will be found stated in detail in the sketch of Colonel 
Jonathan Mifflin, infra. 



mnmtt Qiifflin* 31 

delphia County, at the order of three Justices of the 
Peace, (dated 2 mo. 14, 1683, 0. S.), to be executed 
betwixt this and three weeks hence," ^ it appears 
that— 

John Meefelon, aged 45 years, hath 3 hundred ackers of 
land & hath Improved 10 ackers. 

John Meefelon, the younger, aged 22 years. 

This indicates that father and son promptly applied 
themselves to the work of providing a home. It is 
likely that they soon built a more commodious house, 
for the will of John, junior, dated 1713, devises to 
his wife Elizabeth " all that messuage, tenement, 
plantation and tract of land where he then lived, with 
the other buildings and improvements, with all the 
negroes and other servants and all the stock and 
creatures remaining on and belonging to the plan- 
tation." And an old map of Philadelphia and its 
vicinity,^ published in 1750, and giving the names of 
many householders, shows a house of some dimen- 
sions for that period located at a short distance from 
the river. 

In the meantime the son had married Elizabeth 
Hardy, from Darby, in Old England. She came the 
year when William Penn first arrived, " and the ship 
discharged at the mouth of Darby Creek and wintered 
there, the people generally settling thereabouts and 
called the place Darby Town, soon after which John 

^ " Pennsylvania Magazine," vol. VII., p. 106. 

^ " Westcott & Seharf 's " History of Philadelphia," vol. I. 



32 Life anD ^mmt^ of 

Mifflin, the son, became acquainted with her, she 
being settled about four or five miles from his habita- 
tion, and from that acquaintance a marriage between 
them was solemnized in a meeting-house of Friends 
at Chester, or near it. 

" John Mifflin, the younger, & Elizabeth Hardv, on 
the 6th day of the 12th month, 1683-4, at the house 
of Henry Lewis, near Schuylkill, where a consider- 
able number of Friends met, consummated their mar- 
riage two months after their first appearance & 
fixing up public notice of their intention for one 
month, according to Law. 

" Some time after this marriage the wife of John, 
the elder, came from England. She died soon after 
her arrival here, after a short illness. John, the elder, 
afterwards moved over the Schuylkill to Merion, and 
married a second wife, who survived him, he dying 
upwards of 70 years old." ^ 

No record can be found to show the name of John 
Mifflin, senior's, first wife, nor the maiden name of 
his second. As already mentioned, John Mifflin, 
senior, conveys to Eleanor, his wife, in 1693, the 
original plantation, and Eleanor joins with John in a 
conveyance to their son in 1698, and since the will of 
John Mifflin, senior, dated in 1715, and proved in 
1716, mentions his wife Eleanor, there is little time 

' See account of the Mifflin family, by Jonathan Mifflin, the 
youngest son of John Mifflin, Junior, and surnamed the " His- 
torian " by his descendants. 



Wumtx Q^ifflin* 33 

left for another marriage. jSTevertlieless, the accu- 
racy of the statements, so far as they could be veri- 
fied, in " An Account of the Mifflin Family, written 
by Jonathan Mifflin, senior, on the 15th of Septem- 
ber, 1770," must leave this matter in some doubt, 
unless we presume that Eleanor was the name of the 
second wife and that their marriage took place 
between 1684 and 1693, which does not seem improb- 
able. 



AN ACCOUNT OF THE MIFFLIN FAMILY, 

WRITTEN BY JONATHAN MIFFLIN, SENIOR, ON THE 
FIFTEENTH OF SEPTEMBER, 1770/ 

John Mifflin, the father, and John Mifflin, the son, 
moved from Wiltshire, Old England, to America 
between the years 1676 and 1679, the son being 
upwards of 16 years of age. They lived sorne time 
among the Swedes' settlements on the banks of the 
Delaware and Schuylkill, until they fixed on a tract 
of land on the east side of the Schuylkill, on the 
river, which they took on the Duke of York's Rite, 
the writing being dated from the Court of Upland, 
near Marcus Hook or Chester, in the year 1679, called 
300 acres, but in the year 168 — was remeasured and 
a patent taken under William Penn and called 270 
acres, granted to the father and son jointly, on which 
they were settled then on a small building near the 
water side. 

Elizabeth Hardy, then about 25, came over from 
Darby, of Old England, with a shipload of Darbyshire 
people. The same year William Penn came first, and 
the ship discharged at the mouth of Darby Creek and 
wintered there, the people generally settling there- 
about, and called the place Darby Town. Soon after 

^ From J. H. Merrill, pp. 35-37, " Memoranda Relating to the 
Mifflin Family." 

34 



2Uatnet a^itain* 35 

which John Mifflin, the son, became acquainted with 
her, she being settled about four or five miles from his 
habitation, and from that acquaintance a marriage 
between them was solemnized in a meeting house of 
Friends, at Chester, or near it. 

John Mifflin, the younger, and Elizabeth Hardy, 
on the 6th day of the 12th month, 1683 or 4, at the 
house of Henry Lewis, near Schuylkill, where a con- 
siderable number of friends met, consummated their 
marriage two months after their first appearance and 
fixing up public notice of their intention for one 
month, according to law. 

Some time after this marriage the wife of John, 
the elder, came from England. She died soon after 
her arrival here, after a short illness. Some time 
afterwards the old man removed over the Schuylkill 
to Merion and married a second wife, who survived 
him, he dying upwards of 70 years old. 

On the father's removal the son became possessed 
of the whole tract by purchase, where he resided with 
his wife and family until his death at the age of 54, 
in the year 1714, leaving issue Edward, George, John, 
Elizabeth, Patience, Jane, Samuel and Jonathan, at 
which time Elizabeth had been married some years 
and George about one year. 

By his will the widow held the plantation and stock 
during her life, to bring up the younger children, the 
youngest being but ten years old, and after her death 
the plantation to be divided among his children. 



36 Mit anD ancesttp of 

besides which he gave them portions: Edward a lot 
of land in the city of Philadelphia, on the south side 
of High Street (now in the tenure of John Dunlap 
and remains in the possession of the family) ; and next 
a lot adjoining to George, and next lot to that to John 
(which George purchasing built on them both, one of 
which buildings still remains in his name), with per- 
sonal legacies to the others. 

Edward married and settled in Virginia, where he 
died leaving issue John, Daniel, Southe, Samuel, and 
a granddaughter by his only daughter who died 
before him. Edward died about the year 1743, aged 
near 60. George died about the age of 70, in the 
year 1758, leaving issue John Mifflin and Sarah Mif- 
flin, and a grandson Charles by his son George, who 
died before his father. John Mifflin, the third son, 
died early in life, leaving issue two sons, Benjamin 
and John (now living). Elizabeth died early, leaving 
four sons. Patience died soon after her father, in her 
youth, Jane soon after, in child-bed, leaving a daugh- 
ter. Samuel died single, about the 26th year of his 
age. Jonathan married young, in the year 1723, 
leaving issue son Samuel (now living); a daughter 
Elizabeth, who died in the year 1759, leaving a son 
and three daughters; Sarah, who died in the year 
1769, or 1770, leaving four sons and two daughters, 
and Patience, at this time living and married. 

The writer of the above, being still living, hath 
added to the above, which he wrote about the year 



1770, that he learned something by information 
about the family and other parts otherwise, that as 
far as it goes is undoubtedly fact : and this day on 
reading it just takes occasion to mention that Patience 
is now also deceased upwards of two years, having 
buried her husband, Isaac Paschal, about six months 
and left two daughters, now living, Mnth month 15, 
1776. 

(Signed) Jona'^ Mifflin. 



A BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE ON WARNER 
MIEFLIN. 

BY SARAH MIFFLIN GAY. 

Warner Mifflin, reformer and prominent member 
of the Society of Friends, was the eldest son of Daniel 
and Mary Warner Mifflin. He was born in Aecomac 
County, Va., in 1745, and died at Chestnut Grove, 
16th October, 1798. He was the great-great-grand- 
son of John Mifflin, of Warminster, Wiltshire, Eng- 
land, who with his son John came to America prior to 
1679. They are first heard of at Burlington, N. J., 
but subsequently, in 1680, they took up three hun- 
dred acres of land on the east bank of the Schuylkill 
on the Dulce of York's patent. This grant was con- 
firmed by William Penn in 1684. The tract was 
called Fountain Green, and is now part of Fairmount 
Park. 

Warner Mifflin was early interested in the slaves, 
and in a pamphlet entitled " The Defence of Warner 
Mifflin Against Aspersions cast on him on Account 
of his endeavours to Promote Righteousness, Mercy 
and Peace Among Mankind," he gives an interesting 
account of his conversion to anti-slavery views 
through a conversation with one of his father's slaves. 
He " determined never to be a slave-owner." Yet he 

38 



matntt Mifflin* 39 

became possessed of slaves through his wife Eliza- 
beth Johns, and of others, from among his father's, 
who followed him into Delaware. Convinced, how- 
ever, that he would " be excluded from happiness if 
he continued in this breach of the Divine Law " he 
freed all his slaves in 1774 and 1775, and his father 
followed his example. Thomas Clarkson, the leader 
and historian of the anti-slavery movement in Eng- 
land, said of Warner Mifflin that " he was the first 
man in America to unconditionally emancipate his 
slaves." Erom this time until his death his efforts 
to bring about emancipation were untiring. Through 
his labors most of the members of his Society liber- 
ated their slaves. He traveled from State to State 
pireaching his anti-slavery doctrines among his people, 
and in the course of his life visited all the Yearly 
Meetings on the continent. In 1782 he appeared 
before the legislature of Virginia, and was instru- 
mental in having a law enacted that admitted of 
emancipation. In 1783 he presented a memorial to 
Congress respecting the African slave-trade, and he 
subsequently visited, in the furtherance of his work, 
the legislatures of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Dela- 
ware. In 1791 he presented his noted " Memorial to 
the President, the Senate and the House of Represen- 
tatives of the United States " on the subject of slav- 
ery, and published a short time afterward his 
" Serious Expostulation with the members of the 



40 ^atnet ^min. 

House of Representatives of the United States," in 
relation to the principles of liberty, and the inconsis- 
tency and cruelty of the slave-trade and slavery. 

As a member of the Society of Friends, Warner 
Mifflin was opposed to war. He was chosen by his 
people to present their views to Generals Howe and 
Washington. He traversed the British lines without 
a passport, and subsequently made his way to General 
Washington, undaunted by the hatred of the Ameri- 
cans for the Quakers and in danger of being treated 
as a spy. 

He also bore testimony in favor of temperance, and 
consistently with his peace principles refused to han- 
dle the continental currency issued in aid of the Revo- 
lution. 

He died of yellow fever, caught while ministering 
to the victims of the epidemic in Philadelphia. 



ANECDOTE OF WARNER MIFELIN, 

FKOM " THE LETTERS OF AN AMEEICAJST FARMER." ^ 
BY HECTOR ST. JOHN DE CREVECCEUR. 

The great military discipline of the British army, 
and the victory of the battle of the Brandywine, 
finally opened the doors of Philadelphia to General 
Howe. His march from the head of the Elk, as well 
as his sojourn in this capital, were marked by fires, 
depredations, and the ruin of a large number of fami- 
lies; those who were farther removed from the scene 
of the war opening their houses to those imfortunates 
who had been recently despoiled. 

During these occurrences the Society of Friends of 
the three coimties of Kent, Newcastle and Sussex 
(Delaware), held, according to custom, its Poor Meet- 
ing, whose object is to collect the contributions for 
charity of all its members, in order to maintain in the 
treasury the funds necessary to help the poor and the 
unfortunate in their extremity. Impressed with the 
disasters of a war that they had never seen near their 
homes, these good people doubled their charitable sub- 
scriptions; but even this abundant help was soon 
exhausted, so great was the number of unfortunates. 
To the most needy they sent all that they had, and 

*Vol. L, Paris, 1787, pp. 197 to 222. Penna. Hist. Soc. 
Translated by Hilda Justice. 

41 



42 M(t anD ^mmtp of 

shed tears over the fate of those whom they could not 
help. 

Several of the Elders got into their coaches, and for 
whole weeks together traveled incessantly from plan- 
tation to plantation gathering in all the bacon, flour 
and other provisions, which the charity of the Col- 
onists procured for them. You would be astonished 
at the sums of money and the quantity of goods and 
useful things which were thus gathered in from fields 
already half-destroyed by English rapacity. 

AVhile they were thus occupied, the spirit moved 
them (to use their phrase) to send a deputation from 
their body to the English General, to try to obtain 
from him greater attention to the discipline of his 
army, and an armistice to last at least during the 
winter. 

Warner Mifflin was chosen. The dangers and diffi- 
culties of the undertaking, far from intimidating him, 
made him accept with joy the commission offered him 
— for whoever should decline to perform a good deed, 
become from that moment a duty, would incur the 
reproach of cowardice before men, and of a crime in 
the eyes of the Supreme Being. 

You may perhaps imagine that one of the Ameri- 
can Generals gave him some credentials. No, my 
friend, in the eyes of the Quakers these precautions 
would show timidity in the undertaking of good 
works, and would cause them to endorse in a measure 
the great crime of war. 



Sure of the esteem of the body by whom he was 
chosen, animated by the hope of the good he should 
do his country if successful, Warner Mifflin started. 
He carried with him only the letters which announced 
to his parents in Philadelphia the resolutions adopted 
by the Quaker Meetings of the three counties of 
Kent, Newcastle and Sussex, and the choice made by 
this assembly of Warner Mifflin. 

In the American army there was a General of the 
same name of Mifflin (the Major-General Thomas 
Mifflin). The latter, before the war, had been a mem- 
ber of the Society; but after using his eloquence to 
arouse his fellow-citizens, he was obliged to abate the 
force of his religious sentiments, to take arms and 
defend his country. 

Having arrived at the first English outposts, War- 
ner Mifflin was seized and led before the officer in 
command. 

" Who are you, and where are you going? " he was 
asked. 

" My name is Warner Mifflin, and I am going to 
Philadelphia." 

" Mifflin, Mifflin," said the officer, " it seems to me 
there is a certain Thomas Mifflin, who calls himself 
General, in the Eebel army. Is he perhaps related 
to you? " 

" Yes, my friend, he is my first cousin. Does that 
seem to thee a crime ? " 

" How do you dare to call me your friend, you 



44 Mtt anD ancesttp of 

notorious rebel? Soldiers, take this hypocrite to the 
guard-house, till we can take him to the Sheriff, to be 
hung when his turn comes. There you will see a 
great many rebels who tried, under the guise of 
humility and Quaker simplicity, to slip through the 
British lines and act as spies." 

" In spite of all thee says, I am not a spy ; perhaps 
I may be allowed to prove it." 

" To prove it! " said the Captain, " oh, don't expect 
that! The trial of such a rebel as you is soon over — 
a rope, a nail, or a branch, and two good soldiers to 
hoist it — that is all we need." 

" Why, my friend, does thee insult a man whom 
thee does not know? Why accuse him of a crime of 
which thee is not sure? Why threaten him with a 
punishment he does not deserve? Am I not thy 
brother? " 

" I your brother? God preserve me from such an 
alliance. I am your enemy, that is what I am, and, 
as I live, you shall know it, you and yours. To-day, 
since the King has taken you from under the cloak of 
his protection, and has declared you rebels, you de- 
serve to be hung, you and your women and children. 
Yes, you deserve it on the proclamation alone of 
George III." 

" Thy King must be very cruel," said Warner Mif- 
flin, " to condemn to death so many people who have 
never done him any harm." 

" Our King is the most just and the most magnani- 



mous of all the kings of the earth; he wants to clear 
the country of the seed of republicanism, of these 
descendants of old Oliver (Cromwell), to repeople it 
with men who will always be faithful to him." 

'"' Of what men does thee speak? " asked Warner, 

" Of the brave Scotch," replied the officer. 

" How is it that your country has become so at- 
tached to the House of Brunswick? Have you en- 
tirely forgotten the Stuarts? " 

" They forgot themselves, and never deserved the 
blood our ancestors shed for them." (It was an Eng- 
lishman who was speaking.) 

"Tell me, noble Scot, would thy nation like to come 
and strangle us under the flags of thy King, with the 
intention of occupying the houses, tilling the fields, 
mowing the meadows, that we have bought so dearly 
at the price of our work and our sweat? " 

" And why not, monsieur the American ? You are 
the Canaanites, accursed of God; and we are the 
chosen people." 

" Oh ! my dear Scot, the Jews did many things it is 
not wise to copy." 

" Soldiers, take this man to the guard-house — he 
talks too much — and put hand-cuifs on him. This 
will no doubt be the first pair of cuffs this Quaker 
gentleman has ever had on." 

After having been the butt of the jokes and the 
insolence of all the soldiers, he was taken the follow- 
ing day to the Provost-Marshal; but as, on searching 



46 Life anD ance^trp of 

him, two letters were found, addressed to persons sus- 
pected to be Whigs (Republicans), he was thrown 
into a dark cell, and the letters were sent to the 
Adjutant. 

Here they lay for a long time, forgotten; for the 
most senseless pleasures, high living, and the most 
licentious debauches occupied the oiRcers' leisure to 
such an extent that they had scarcely time to attend 
to current affairs. Seventeen days later, by the 
merest chance, the letters fell into the hands of Sir 
William Howe. He thought that he saw something 
very mysterious in their contents. This idea smoth- 
ering his indolence for the moment, he ordered the 
prisoner in whose pockets the letters were found to be 
brought before him. He was taken to the General's 
room, wearing his hat on his head. Sir William 
HowC; a little surprised by this unusual custom, asked 
him if his name was Warner Mifflin. 

" Yes," he said, " friend William Howe, that is my 
name." 

" Where do you come from? " 

" From the Provost-Marshal." 

" Where had you come from when you were taken 
to him? " 

" From Kent County." 

" Why have you come here ? " 

" To speak with thee." 

xVt this point Colonel Balfour, first aide de camp, 
observing that this man had the audacity to keep his 



Wamtt ^imin. 47 

hat on before his superior, filled with military preju- 
dices, he hastily approached the Quaker, and taking 
his hat off, said angrily: " Understand, you churl, that 
no one speaks to the Commander-in-Chief of the 
British army, with his hat on, and much less a rebel 
and a prisoner like you." 

" How does thee expect me to know thy customs," 
said Warner Mifflin, " when I have never seen an 
English General, and have all my life kept my hat on 
my head before my neighbors and my friends; the hat 
which so offends thee is nevertheless but a part of my 
clothing. Shall I also take off my coat ? " 

" Colonel Balfour, suspend your rebuke," said the 
General. " Mr. Mifflin, do the men of your sect al- 
ways keep their hats on their heads through conscien- 
tious scruples? " 

" 1^0, friend Howe ; it is the custom of our Society, 
which, looking upon all men as brothers, teaches us 
that we owe them only good-mil and the sincerity of 
our hearts, expressed through a handshake, with no 
outward salutations." 

" You astonish me very much, Mr. Mifflin. I 
thought you were so attached to this custom that I 
believed it to be founded on motives of conscience." 

" It is not, friend William ; but tell me, was thee 
offended that I spoke to thee mth my hat on? That 
was not my intention. I presented myself before 
thee as we present ourselves before our brothers, as 
we present ourselves even before God, when we go 



48 Mtt anD ancestrp of 

to Meeting to implore His mercy and to await the 
influence of His Spirit. Can the treatment which I 
have received from thy aide add anything to thy 
honor or to thy power ? " 

" My aide meant well, Mr. Mifilin ; but whether you 
wear your hat or not makes no difference to me; I 
exact from you nothing but clear and precise answers 
to my questions." 

Warner Mifflin, quietly putting on his hat again, 
said to Howe that he might depend on the truth of 
what he should tell him ; that the General's questions 
would give him the more pleasure, because they 
would give him an opportunity to explain the reasons 
which forced him to come to Philadelphia to speak 
with him. 

"To speak with me? Why, who are you? Who 
sent you? " 

" I am a farmer of Kent County. I am sent by the 
Yearly Meeting of the three counties of Kent, l^ew- 
castle and Sussex." 

"What, a farmer sent by the Quaker Meetings? 
The farming gentlemen of these counties and their 
Meetings choose a very bad time, for I find myself 
obliged to be their enemy. What do these Meetings 
want of me? What do you yourself want of me? " 

" As thee is English it may be that thee knows that 
the Society of Friends never has anything to do with 
war, nor with any contentions, public or private. 
Quarrels are forbidden us by the Bible, which enjoins 



mmntx Mifflin* 49 

us to look upon all men as brothers; but in recom- 
mending peace and brotherly love, the Bible com- 
mands us also to do all in our power to hinder and 
oppose this evil. Our brethren of the three counties, 
united in our Poor Meeting (meetings held every 
month to care for the needs of their poor, and help 
the unfortunate), believed that it might be possible to 
obtain an interview between thee and friend George 
Washington; that this interview might result in 
arranging for the means of obtaining an armistice, at 
least during the winter; that this armistice might lead 
to a friendly understanding, and the restoration of 
peace. Persuaded that this idea is salutary and holy, 
through obedience to the inspiration of the Spirit, 
whence come all good thoughts, as well as the good we 
do, they appointed me to communicate this to thee. 
What does thee think of it, friend Howe? " 

" I approve of the idea of your Quakers ; it seems a 
noble one, and may prove useful ; whether it succeeds 
or not, it will gain honor for you at my hands, and 
will serve to confirm the good opinion I have always 
held of your sect. I like to see that those who do not 
take part in war try to soften its horrors, and busy 
themselves with the means of re-establishing peace. 
But things are not equal between General Washing- 
ton and me; in four days he can receive his orders 
from Congress, while it takes several months for me 
to receive those of the King. If, however, we might 
see each other, I should gladly agree to a short 

4 



50 iiitt anD ^mtmp of 

armistice that might give our troops time to relax and 
to enjoy a little rest. I see by the contents of your 
letters that 3^ou have hidden nothing from me, and 
that they were written merely to inform your friends 
of the resolution passed by your Meeting and of your 
generous undertaking; stay to dine with me; after the 
meal I will see that the necessary papers are drawn 
up for your journey." 

" I will dine with thee since thee wishes it ; but I 
cannot receive thy passports." 

" And why not, Mr. Mifflin? " 

" Because we should become guilty of the great 
crimes occasioned by war, in providing ourselves 
with passports and military privileges. I shall be able 
to pass out of thy lines as I entered them; the good 
work I am doing will take me everywhere, I feel sure, 
and will give me the courage I shall need to endure 
the accidents that may befall me." 

" What strange principles ! What ! you prefer to 
expose yourself to the insults of the soldiers, to prison, 
to scorn, rather than take papers to protect you? 
These principles are not well considered, Mr. Mifflin; 
they are contrary to nature and the inner feelings, 
which dictate self-preservation." 

" I am sorry thee does not approve them, friend 
Howe ; they are nevertheless the foundation on which 
our Society rests; we sealed them more than once 
with our blood; we upheld them in times of the most 
cruel persecutions; if thee does not approve them, at 



least do not scorn them; they are founded on the love 
of peace and concord, and on our horror of war, the 
worst of evils." 

" But if anything serious should happen to you, 
Mr. Mifflin, what would you do? " 

" I should endure its severity, I hope, with calm- 
ness and courage." 

"Calmness and courage? Where would you find 
them?" 

" In my conscience, and in the firm conviction that 
no temporal obstacles should prevent me from doing 
good." 

" And if I should station soldiers at the door of one 
of your Meetings, with orders not to allow you to 
enter on pain of death, what would you do? " 

'" If I believed that the Spirit commanded me to go, 
m.y duty would then be not to resist this inspiration ; I 
should go at the risk of my life." 

" Then the Quakers believe themselves to be 
directly inspired? " 

"And why not, friend Howe? Thee is so thyself 
every time thee has good thoughts in thy mind. 
What absurdity is there in thinking that good 
thoughts come from heaven, as from the main source 
of all that is good? What harm is there in believing 
that every good genius may be capable of receiving a 
feeble ray of that great light that illumines all men 
who do not voluntarily close their eyes to it? This, 
friend Howe, is not a new maxim; I could prove its 



52 jLife and ^mtm^ of 

truth to thee by the writings of St. Paul, of the Em- 
peror Marcus Antonius, of Epictetus, and of several 
other great men." 

" You seem to me to be a learned scholar, Mr. Mif- 
flin; I am not surprised that your Meetings should 
have chosen such a man as you." 

" I am far from being learned ; I possess nothing 
but the science of common sense, a school education, 
and the fruits of experience." 

" Your principles may be useful in the shade of 
your orchard, in the midst of quiet and peace; never- 
theless, I cannot help thinking them useless, and even 
dangerous, in a society that can only maintain itself 
by perpetual effort, that is, by its fleets and its 
armies." 

" I have not come here to dispute, or to change thy 
opinions, friend William Howe; as to my opinion, it 
is the most sacred, the most indelible, of all those 
which make up my moral character; since thee has 
accepted the proposition I made to thee, I will with- 
draw, to continue my journey." 

'' No, Mr. Mifflin, you must dine with me, and you 
shall be respected at my table as you deserve to be. I 
am told you have emancipated all your slaves — is that 
true?" 

" I did nothing but what I ought to do." 
" But this emancipation must have cost you a great 
deal." 



mamtt Mifflin. 53 

" There still remains a sufficient fortune for me, 
and I am satisfied." 

" I have also been told that you gave the wool of 
five hundred sheep to those who lost theirs by the 
English troops." 

" Since all men are brothers, why should not those 
who are in more comfortable circumstances share their 
wealth with those whom the war has ruined? There 
is more true joy than one thinks in doing good." 

" By what chance did you save your own? " 

" By means of an island that I own ; I hid them in 
the woods of this island, at the time when thy brother 
(Admiral Howe) came up the river with his fleet." 

" I have infinite respect for you, Mr. Mifilin, and 
these two generous actions would make me your 
friend for all my life, if we were at peace and neigh- 
bors. Would to God that all Americans were like 

you." 

" Friend William, this might perhaps be unfor- 
tunate for Great Britain." 

" And why, pray, Mr. Mifflin? " 

" She might then carry out too easily all the de- 
signs she has upon !N^orth America; for thee knows 
we may not oppose ourselves to the powers of this 
world; but though we might submit to the Governors 
of the earth, we do not wish any the less fervently 
that the laws be wise, just and mild." 

" But do you not know, Mr. Mifflin, that Great 
Britain desires only your own good? " 



54 Life anD ance0trp of 

" I doubt that, because she tries to accomplish here 
that which the English nation has never allowed her 
kings." 

" You are a Whig, then, Mr. Mifflin? " 

" Friend Howe, thee is master and may call me 
whatever thee pleases. But what can I be, what 
would thee have me be, since I am born a citizen of 
Pennsylvania? Does thee accuse me of a crime, if I 
love my country? " 

" No, no, I do not call it a crime ; besides, my busi- 
ness is neither to preach nor to convert, but to sub- 
jugate." 

" Since this is unfortunately thy duty and thy in- 
clination, in the name of humanity put as much mild- 
ness as possible into thy conquests; so that thy sol- 
diers, withheld within the bounds of their military 
duty, may not be authorized to pillage and destroy, 
as they have done. Mercy will be an honor to thy 
military exploits, and may perhaps help thee to con- 
quer. If thee is not an American, can thee forget 
that thee is English? Thee knows what this name 
means, the partisan of a just and necessary liberty." 

" Do you not know that among us military men 
there exist two distinct characters, under the appear- 
ance of the same individual? As an English citizen, I 
admit that Parliament has carried things too far; as 
a military man, my honor is engaged; I must carry out 
the King's orders as well as I can." 

" What thee has just told me astonishes me greatly. 



Wamtt ^min* 55 

friend Howe. How can a man have two characters? 
How can his spirit divide itself, and force his hands 
to do that which is repugnant to his heart? " 

" It is nevertheless thus, Mr. Mifflin ; it is a problem 
that you, quiet farmers that you are, can never under- 
stand; yet I know several members of your Society 
that do not think as you do." 

" That may be; our Society lays down no laws; 
every member voluntarily united in our system of 
belief thinks and judges of the things of this world 
according to his light; our brethren are none the less 
partisans of liberty." 

" I think just as you do, Mr. Mifflin; I should be 
sorry to see the Americans made slaves. I am de- 
lighted that chance has brought your two letters into 
my hands, since this circumstance has shortened your 
imprisonment, and has procured me the pleasure of 
making the acquaintance of a man as worthy of 
respect as you. This is the opinion even of your 
enemies." 

" I did not think I had any." 

"" It is the fate of all men," said the General; " why 
should you wish to be happier? Good-bye, Mr. Mif- 
flin. I have given orders for you to be allowed to 
pass. I wish you a pleasant journey." 

" Farewell, William Howe. Thee may depend 
upon it I shall do my best." 

He left Philadelphia the same day, respected by 
the guards, who were surprised at the care they were 



56 Life and ance0ttp oC 

obliged to take of a man who wore a flat-brimmed bat, 
a gray suit without buttons, who wore no powder in 
his hair, and whose shoes were tied with laces. 

After leaving the English lines, he went to seek 
General Washington at his camp at Valley Forge ; he 
told him the object of his visit, and the story of his 
trip to Philadelphia; he was received with open arms 
by his illustrious compatriot; he was feted and made 
much of by all who were around him; everyone has- 
tened to do justice to such a noble idea, to such a 
humane project. Although Congress did not vote this 
advantageous truce, Warner Mifflin and the Meetings 
that had sent him felt none the less complimented; 
he returned home, having the esteem of both Gen- 
erals, happy to have done all which depended upon 
him to do, to carry through the undertaking which 
had been entrusted to him. 

The night that Warner Mifflin crossed German- 
towTi was marked by one of those crimes which is 
counted for almost nothing in the long list of those 

occasioned by a civil war. Lieutenant , of 

Regiment, whose soul is filled with the blackest enthu- 
siasm, and who is the most extraordinary royalist I 
have ever seen, was constantly imagining all those to 
be worthy of death who were called rebels under the 
proclamation of the King. 

One night, filled with an atrocious zeal, and a 
strange thirst for blood, and carrying his brutality to 
the farthest point, he left his tent at midnight ; accom- 



mamtt ^imin. 57 

panied by two soldiers as drunk with wine and crueltj 
as their leader, he knocked at the door of the firet 
house he came to in Germantown. 

" Who is there," called the master of the house. 

" A friend," said the Lieutenant. 

" I know no friends at this time of night, and in the 
midst of two armies," replied the man. 

" Open the door, I have something to tell you." 

He came down in his night-shirt, and had barely 
reached the last step when they seized him, and after 
reproaching him for being an American and a rebel, 
they hung him without any noise to the door, where 
he was found the next day by the neighbors. You 
will not doubt the truth of this story, when I tell you 
that I had it from the lips of this very officer, who is 
to-day a captain in the second order. 

" I came back and went to bed," he said, " and slept 
quietly until morning. This," he added, " is but a 
scratch in comparison with what our General Gray 
did when he gave the order to pierce with bayonets in 
one night four hundred rebels who were lying asleep." 

To scatter the triple impression which the recital 
of such an atrocity must make, I wish to tell you some 
other characteristics of the good Mifflin, and of an- 
other Quaker who deserves my admiration quite as 
much. 

Warner Mifflin married, in 1765, Phebe,^ a rich 

1 Warner Mifflin's first wife was Elizabeth Johns, whom he 
married in 1767. The reference is no doubt to her. 



58 Life anD ance^ttp of 

and beautiful girl. She had at least 327,000 pounds 
(French). The furniture, bureaus and closets which 
she brought were made, according to the custom of 
the country, of mahogany, and were of great beauty; 
her clothes, though simple, were rich and in large 
quantities; for she did not belong to the sect of 
Friends (Quakers). 

The difference in worship brings none, as you know, 
to disturb the peace and union of families. A more 
intimate knowledge, and the example of her husband, 
decided her in a short time to join the Society of 
which he was a member, that of the Friends. She 
assured me that he never spoke to her on the subject, 
and no sooner was she admitted to the Society than 
she conformed to its principles and adopted its belief. 
She carried her scruples so far as even to have all the 
carving and ornaments on her furniture taken off, as 
being contrary to the simplicity of Friends. Every- 
thing which could be considered useless or superfluous 
was sold. She even gave up wearing buckles on her 
shoes, and fastened them instead, according to the 
custom, with laces. 

Some time before, several Friends had purposed 
emancipating their negroes. This good doctrine had 
already been promulgated and recommended in sev- 
eral Meetings, for more than forty years. A member 
of this Society, living in the to^vn of Flushing (on 
the island of ISTassau, or Long Island), famous for his 
knowledge of medicine, as well as for his Christian 



COarner ^imin. 59 

virtues, had freed all his slaves, and in his will be- 
queathed them a decent means of support. Antoine 
Benezet, son of a Frenchman, published at length an 
excellent book on this subject. This work has accom- 
plished all its author could have wished for it; but not 
satisfied with this mere beginning of a good work, he 
abandoned all his business to his wife, left his home 
and went from Meeting to Meeting, preaching the 
freedom of the negro. This man, simple and gentle, 
without having the energy of St. Paul, the fire of St. 
Augustine, or the knowledge of St. Thomas, was lis- 
tened to with the closest attention, and gained fol- 
lowers everywhere. He had to fight the strongest of 
human passions — self-interest. 

" Xot having the authority of any public body, or 
the resources of eloquence in your favor," I asked him 
one day, " how can you have succeeded? " 

" By the help of the inspiration of the Spirit of the 
universe, of the kind disposition of those to whom I 
spoke, and of my own good will," he answered. 

He has had the satisfaction of living long enough 
to see the Society refuse to admit to communion ( a 
meeting for meditation) those who had not entirely 
banished slavery from their homes. I have gathered 
together anecdotes on this subject that would make 
you shed t«ars. 

Warner Mifflin had received from his father thirty- 
seven negroes, young as well as old. When the day 
arrived on which he was to free them, he called them 



60 Life anD ancestrp of 

into his room, one after the other. This is the conver- 
sation he had with one of them: 

" Well, friend James, how old is thee? " 
" Master, I am twenty-nine and a half years old." 
"What, thee is twenty-nine and a half years old? 
Thee ought to have been free, as our white brothers 
are, at twenty-one. Listen: religion and humanity 
enjoin me to give thee to-day thy liberty; and justice 
commands me to pay thee for eight and a half years' 
labor, at two hundred and seventy pounds per year, 
including thy food and clothing, to the amount of 
2,295 pounds, the sum I owe thee. But as thee is 
young and strong, and as thee must work to support 
thyself, it is my intention to give thee a bond for this 
amount, drawing 7 per cent, interest. This is the 
beginning of thy fortune. James, thee is now as free 
as I am; thee has no other master than God and the 
law. Go into the next room to my wife Phebe, thy 
former mistress, and my nephew, William Roberts; 
they are engaged in writing thy manumission; when 
I have sealed it and signed it before witnesses, thee 
must go to have it recorded in the books of the So- 
ciety at Dover (capital of Kent County), and in the 
county registers. God bless thee, James ; be good and 
industrious. In all thy troubles and soitows thee will 
find a friend in thy old master, Warner Mifflin." 

James, astonished by a scene so novel, so touching, 
and so unexpected, burst into tears, as though he had 
been accused of some great wrong. The sudden effect 



mamtt ©ifflin^ ei 

of astonisliment, gratitude, and several other senti- 
ments, swelled his heart, and almost produced con- 
vulsions. He wept bitterly, and could scarcely say: 
" Ah, master, what shall I do with my liberty? I was 
born under your roof, 1 have always had everything 
I needed; we worked together in the fields, and I can 
say I worked as much for myself as for you, as I was 
fed from the same meats, and clothed in the same gar- 
ments; we never went to church on foot; we had our 
Saturdays to ourselves ; we wished for nothing. When 
we were sick our good and gentle mistress came to 
our bedside, saying always something to comfort us: 
' Well, James, w^ell, my boy, what is the matter? Do 
not be discouraged, the doctor will soon be here. I 
shall take care of thee. Suffer patiently, that is the 
first remedy,' and so on. When I am free, where 
shall I go? What shall I do ? And when I am sick? " 
" Thee will do as the whites, go and hire thyself to 
those who pay thee the highest wages. In a few years 
thee can buy thyself some land ; thee will marry a girl 
who is good and industrious like thyself; thee will 
bring up thy children as I have brought thee up, in 
the fear of God and the love of work. After living in 
quiet and freedom, thee will die in peace; thee Tuust 
receive thy manumission, James. I should have given 
it to thee long ago. Would to God, the Father of all 
men, that the whites had never thought of trading 
in thy African brethren; would that he might inspire 
all Americans with the desire to follow our example! 



62 Life and ancesttp of 

We, who look upon liberty as the first of all blessings, 
why should we refuse it to those who live with us? " 

" Ah, master, how good you are ! That is why I 
can never leave you. I have never been a slave. You 
have alM'ays spoken to me as you speak to white men. 
I have never wanted for anything, either in sickness 
or in health. I have never worked more than your 
neighbors, who worked for themselves. I have been 
richer than some white men, to whom I have loaned 
money. My good and dear mistress — ^who never com- 
mands us, but who makes us do everything she wants 
by saying: ' James, I should like you to do such and 
such a thing' — how can I leave her? Pay me what 
you like each year, call me freeman or slave, it mat- 
ters little to me, as I can only be happy with you. I 
shall never leave you." 

" Well, James, I consent to do what thee wishes. 
When thy manumission has undergone the necessary 
forms, I will hire thee by the year. But take at least 
a week's holiday; this is a great epoch in thy life; 
celebrate it with joy, rest, and whatever else thee 
pleases." 

" !N^o, master, we are in the midst of the sowing; I 
will take my holiday some other time. Only let to- 
day be a holiday in the black family. Since you wish 
it, I accept my liberty, and my first action as a free 
man will be to take your hand, master, and grasp it 
in mine, while T place it on my heart, where James's 
devotion and gratitude will onlv cease when it ceases 



Watmt Qiieeiin* 63 

to beat. The second will be to assure you that there 
is no laborer in Kent Comity who vnW be more dili- 
gent than he who henceforth shall call himself faith- 
ful James." 

Can man offer a more agreeable incense to the 
Divinity ? 

Some time before his marriage this same Warner 
Mifflin had sold in Lewistown (Kent County) a slave 
with whom he was much dissatisfied. The bad be- 
havior of this negro obliged his new master to get rid 
of him to a second buyer, who, being equally dissatis- 
fied, sent him to Jamaica, where the fever soon made 
him more docile and well-behaved. This negro, 
remembering the kindness and humanity of liis first 
master, sent him a touching letter, in which he de- 
scribed his misery and repentance. Such was the 
effect on Warner Mifflin's heart, such was the remorse 
with which he was filled, that, regretting to have 
been the cause of the misfortune of this slave, he set 
sail for this island, from whence, after buying back 
his former slave, he brought him to Philadelphia and 
gave him his liberty. 

J. Hector St. John was a native of Normandy, of noble 
birth, and came to the British Colonies at the age of sixteen. 
Having established himself on a farm near the frontier, he was 
one of the first victims of the War of Independence, the Indian 
allies of Great Britain setting fire to and destroying his prop- 
erty. He wrote his letters, during the different epochs of the 
war, in English. Returning to France, he translated them into 
French. He married the daughter of an American merchant, 
and is referred to by J. P. Brissot de Warville (p. 147) aa liv- 
, ing in Newport, Ehode Island. 



EXTKACTS EELATING TO WAKNER 
MIFFLIN, 

PROM "new travels IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 
PERFORMED IN 1788." 

BY J. P. BRISSOT DE WARVILLe/ 



Letter IX., pp. 189-193. 

VISIT FROM THE GOOD WARNER MIFFLIN. 

Aug. 30th, 1788. 
I was sick, and Warner Mifflin came to see me. 
You know Warner Mifflin; you have read the eulo- 
gium made of him by M. de Creveco3ur. It is he that 
first freed all his slaves; it is he who, without a pass- 
port, traversed the British army, and spoke to Gen- 
eral Howe with so much firmness and dignity; it is he 
who, fearing not the effects of the general hatred 
against the Quakers, went, at the risk of being treated 
as a spy, to present himseK to General Washington, 
to justify to him the conduct of the Quakers ; it is he, 
that in the midst of the furies of war, equally a friend 
to the French, the English and the Americans, car- 
ried generous succours to those among them who were 
suffering. Well, this angel of peace came to see me. 
"I am Warner Mifflin," says he; "I have read the 

* London, J. S. Jordan, 1792. Penna. Hist. Soe. 
64 



m^mtt Qiifflin* 65 

book wherein thou defendest the cause of the Friends, 
wherein thou preachest the principles of universal 
benevolence; I knew that thou wast here, and I have 
come to see thee; besides, I love thy Nation. I was, 
I confess, much prejudiced against the French; I 
even hated them, having been, in this respect, edu- 
cated in the English principles. But when I came to 
see them, a secret voice said to me, that I ought to 
drive from my heart that prejudice; that I ought to 
know them, and love them. I have then fought for 
them. I have known them; and it is with pleasure 
I have found them possess a spirit of mildness and 
general benevolence, which I had never found among 
the English." 

I cannot report to you all the conversation of this 
worthy Quaker; it made a deep impression on my 
heart. What humanity ! and what charity ! It 
seems, that to love mankind, and to search to do them 
good, constitutes his only pleasure, his only existence ; 
his constant occupation is to find the means of making 
all men but one family; and he does not despair of it. 
He spoke to me of the Society of Quakers at 
!Nismes ( ?) and of some friends in America and Eng- 
land, who have been to visit them. He regarded them 
as instruments designed to propagate the principles 
of the Society throughout the World. I mentioned 
to him some obstacles; such as the corruption of our 
morals and the power of the clergy. " Oh, my 
friend," said he, " is not the arm of the Almighty 
5 



66 Life anD ^mtmv of 

stronger than the arm of man ? What were we when 
the Society took its birth in England? What was 
America tliirteen years ago, when Benezet raised his 
voice against the slavery of the blacks ? Let us always 
endeavour to do good; fear no obstacles, and the good 
will be done." 

All this was said without the least ostentation. He 
said what he felt, what he had thought a thousand 
times; he spoke from the heart, and not from the 
head. He realized what he had told me of that secret 
voice, that internal spirit, of which the Quakers speak 
so much ; he was animated by it. Ah ! who can see, 
who can hear a man, so much exalted above human 
nature, without reflecting on himself, without en- 
deavoring to imitate him, without blushing at his own 
weakness? What are the finest writings in compari- 
son with a life so pure, a conduct so constantly de- 
voted to the good of humanity? How small I 
appeared in contemplating him ! And shall we calum- 
niate a sect to which a man so venerable belongs? 
Shall we paint it as the centre of hypocrisy and 
deceit ? We must then suppose that Mifflin counter- 
feits humanity; that he is in concert with hypocrites, 
or that he is blind to their true character. To coun- 
terfeit humanity, to consent to sacrifice one's inter- 
ests, to be scoffed and ridiculed, to impart his goods 
to the poor, to affranchise his negroes, and all this by 
hypocrisy, would be a very bad speculation; hypoc- 
risy makes better calculations. But, if you suppose 



Garnet ^imin. 6Y 

this man to be true and honest as to himself, can you 
imagine him to be in concert with knaves ? This 
would be an absurd contradiction. Finally, on hear- 
ing this man, full of good sense, and endowed with 
solid judgment, reasoning with so much force, can 
you believe that he has been, for all his life, the dupe 
of a band of sharpers, when he is at the same time in 
all their most secret counsels, and one of their chiefs ? 
Yes, my friend, I repeat it, the attachment of an 
angel like Warner Mifflin to the sect of Quakers, is 
the fairest apology for that Society. 

He took me one day to see his intended wife. Miss 
Ameland,^ whom he was to marry in a few days. She 
is a worthy companion of this reputable Quaker. 
What mildness ! What modesty ! and at the same 
time, what entertainment in her conversation ! Miss 
Ameland^ once loved the World. She made verses 
and music, and was fond of dancing. Though young 
still, she has renounced all these amusements, to em- 
brace the life of an anchorite. In the midst of the 
world, she has persisted in her design, notwithstand- 
ing the pleasantries of her acquaintance. 



Emlen. 



68 m^mzt Qiifftin* 

Letter XXI., pp. 279, 280. 

LAWS OF THE DIFFERENT STATES FOR THE MANUMISSION 
OF SLAVES. 

... In this State,^ famous for the wisdom of its 
laws, for its good faith and federal patriotism, resides 
that angel of peace, Warner Mifflin. Like Benezet, 
he occupies his time in extending the opinions of his 
Society relative to the freedom of the Blacks, and the 
care of providing for their existence and their instruc- 
tion. It is in part to his zeal that is owing the forma- 
tion of a Society in that state, after the model of the 
one at Philadelphia for the abolition of slavery. 



Appendix to Letter XXIL, p. 299. 

on the general state, manners and character of 
the blacks in the united states. 

. . . One of the most ardent petitioners to Con- 
gress in this cause,^ was the respectable Warner Mif- 
flin. His zeal was rewarded with atrocious calumnies, 
which he always answered with mildness, forgiveness 
and argument. 



* Delaware. =" Suppression of the slave trade. 



ANECDOTES AND MEMOIRS OF WARNER 
MIFFLIN.' 

Ezekiel Coston, aged upwards of eighty years, 
related to Samuel Canby, of Wilmington, in the 
State of Delaware, in the 2d month, 1825, the fol- 
lowing circumstances of his life: That he was 
born a slave, in the family of Daniel Mifflin, of Ac- 
comac County, Virginia, with whom he lived until 
about twenty years of age; about which period, War- 
ner Mifflin, son of Daniel, married a daughter of 
Kensey Johns, of West River, Maryland, and settled 
near Camden, in the State of Delaware. Ezekiel and 
five other slaves were given him by his father; there 
were also a number of slaves belonging to his wife, 
brought into the family. He lived with Warner Mif- 
flin about eighteen months, when he put him on a 
plantation of his, to work it, about six miles from his 
residence, where he continued about four years a 
slave. 

At this period, Ezeldel was informed by his master, 
that he had concluded to set his slaves free. And 
very soon after, his master came to his residence, and 
calling him from the field where he was ploughing, 
they sat down together, when he told Ezekiel his mind 
had long been uneasy with holding slaves, and that he 

* From " Friends' Miscellany," vol. V., No. 5. 



TO Life anD ancestrp of 

must let him go. Ezekiel was so well satisfied with 
Ms situation, that he told his master he could not 
leave him. Their conversation on the subject pro- 
duced such feelings of tenderness, that they both, 
wept much. Finally, as an inducement to comply, his 
master told him he might remain on the farm; and 
they entered into a mutual agreement, which was car- 
ried into effect, and Ezekiel continued to live on the 
farm fourteen years. Warner then gave him a piece 
of land, upon which, he built a house, where he re- 
mained imtil he came to reside in the neighbourhood 
of Wilmington. After relating the foregoing nar- 
rative, he was inquired of respecting the account 
which had been published of Warner Mifflin's inter- 
view with his man, James, at the time of his libera- 
tion. Ezekiel shed tears when the story was read to 
him — and said, " It is just so; poor Jim and I lived 
together with master, and worked together in har- 
mony. How well I remember, when Jim told me 
that master Mifflin had done the same by him, as he 
had for me. It is all true — mistress brought a num- 
ber of slaves with her into the family, after master 
married her — one of them was my wife, — all the rest 
of us, making, I suppose, about thirty, were given by 
old master, to master Warner, who is now an angel 
in heaven. Oh! how it comforts me to believe that 
after suffering a few more pains, I shall live with him 
forever, in sweet communion. We were brought up 



children together, slept together, and eat at the same 
table, and never quarreled." 

About the year 1785, Warner Mifflin had a relig- 
ious concern to visit his brethren in England. This 
was opened to Friends of his own Monthly and Quar- 
terly Meetings, and by them approved, so as to fur- 
nish him witli regular certificates of their unity with 
him in his religious prospects. Warner Mifflin was 
then an elder, and, according to the order and disci- 
pline of Society, he produced his certificates, and 
spread his concern before the General Meeting of 
Ministers and Elders, held in Philadelphia, in the 
spring of 1786. It was probably a new case for an 
elder to come forward with a religious concern to 
cross the Atlantic, on a visit to the churches. There 
does not appear to have been any doubt of the recti- 
tude of his concern; and, had the General Meeting 
acted on the feelings of unity produced on the occa- 
sion, there is no doubt he would have been set at 
liberty to pursue the very important object he had in 
view, of visiting the meetings for discipline in Eng- 
land. But, it was suggested by some Friends, that 
there was no letter of discipline, pointing out a way 
for elders to visit the churches; and, therefore, as 
Warner's concern was especially to build up Israel, in 
the line of order, Friends thought he must go 
orderly. Job Scott, who was present on the occa- 
sion, says he was very submissive, and his concern was 
feelingly weighty. 



Y2 Life anD ^ncestrp of 

To us of the present day, it may be a subject of 
regret that he was thus prevented from prosecuting 
his visit. The importance of right order, and the 
exercise of Christian discipline in society, might well 
call forth the religious concern and labours of faith- 
ful elders in the church — as well as ministers. About 
the time of Warner Mifflin's proposal to go to Eng- 
land, an unusual number of American Friends were 
engaged in a similar exercise; and his acknowledged 
skill, judgment and zeal in the maintenance of the 
discipline of society might have been eminently 
useful. 

We are informed, however, that in the course of 
his life he visited the several Yearly Meetings of 
Friends on this continent, as well as many other meet- 
ings for discipline. In these services, which were 
well accepted by Friends, he was careful to move 
with the concurrence of his brethren at home. 

Nor was Warner Mifflin alone in his religious exer- 
cises and labours and travels, for the due support of 
right order and discipline among Friends. Other 
elders traveled with certificates of unity under simi- 
lar concerns. Among these was Jacob Lundy, of 
Hardwich, who several times had minutes from his 
Monthly Meeting, to visit Quarterly and Monthly 
Meetings at Redstone and in the back parts of Penn- 
sylvania. We might name George Churchman, Oli- 
ver Paxson, and divers others; more especially, if the 
example of those elders who have gone before, might 



Earner Q^ifflin* 73 

be the means of stirring up or encouraging others of 
the present day to a right concern to " go and do like- 
wise.'' 

In the second volume of " The Friend of Peace," 
a valuable work, published, a few years since, by 
Noah Worcester, of Brighton, Massachusetts, we find 
the following interesting account of Warner Miifiin. 
As it has relation to some of the statements in his 
own narrative, we think it worthy of a place in this 
work. It is headed, " General Washington and War- 
ner Mifflin." The author of " The Friend of Peace " 
says: 

" In reading the Travels of Brissot, in the United 
States, my attention was arrested by the following 
passage: ' I was sick, and Warner Mifflin came to see 
me. It is he that first freed all his slaves; it is he, 
who, without a passport, traversed the British army, 
and spoke to General Howe, with so much firmness 
and dignity ; — it is he, who, fearing not the effects of 
the general hatred against the Quakers, went, at the 
risk of being treated as a spy, to present himself to 
General Washington, to justify to him the conduct 
of the Quakers; — it is he, that amidst the furies of 
war, equally a friend to the French, the English, and 
the Americans, carried generous succours to tliose 
among them, who were suffering. Well! this angel 
of peace came to see me.' 

" Having never before heard, or not remembering 
the facts referred to, I had a desire for further infor- 



T4 Life and Zmtmv of 

mation; but knew not from wkat quarter it could be 
obtained. Unsolicited, however, and unexpectedly, 
the intelligence soon came, by a letter from a gentle- 
man in Pennsylvania, who was acquainted with War- 
ner Mifflin. From his account, the following concise 
statement will be given: The battle of German- 
town happened on the day of the Yearly Meeting of 
the Quakers, in Philadelphia. In the time of the 
battle, these friends of peace were engaged in prayer, 
that Divine protection might be granted to the city 
and the people; and in preparing to renew their testi- 
mony against the spirit of war. While James Thorn- 
ton was writing their Testimony, the cannon shook 
the house, where they were assembled, and the air 
was darkened by the smoke of the guns. Warner 
Mifflin undertook the service of communicating the 
Testimony to General Washington and General 
Howe. To perform this duty, he had to walk in 
blood, and among the dead bodies of those who had 
fallen in battle. He performed the service with great 
freedom and intrepidity. In the conversation with 
general Washington, he said expressly, ' I am op- 
posed to the revolution, and to all changes of govern- 
ment which occasion war and blood-shed.' 

" After general Washington was elected presi- 
dent of the United States, Warner Mifflin went to 
visit him at !New York, and was treated by the presi- 
dent with kindness and respect. In the course of the 
interview, the president recollected what Mifflin had 



said to him at Germantown, and thus addressed him: 
' Mr. MifHin, will you please to inform me on what 
principles you were opposed to the revolution ? ' Mif- 
flin answered, ' Yes, friend Washington ; — upon the 
same principles that I should be opposed to a change 
in this government. All that ever was gained by 
revolutions, are not adequate compensation to the 
poor mangled soldier, for the loss of life or limb.' 
After some pause and reflection, the president re- 
plied, ' Mr. Mifilin, I honour your sentiments ; — there 
is more in that, than mankind have generally con- 
sidered.' " 

In the 11th month, 1791, Warner Mifflin pre- 
sented his " Memorial, to the president, senate, and 
house of representatives of the United States," on the 
subject of slavery. His object was to plead the cause 
of the oppressed, obtain redress of their wrongs, and 
alleviation of the sufferings and oppressions of the 
African race, in this land. 

On account of some reflections cast on him, or his 
Address to the general government, he published, a 
short time after, his serious Expostulations with the 
members of the house of representatives, in relation 
to the principles of liberty, and the inconsistency and 
cruelty of the slave trade, and of slavery. 

These Essays show the undaunted firmness and 
zeal of the writer, his cogent reasoning, and powerful 
appeals to the understanding and the heart, on behalf 
of suffering humanity. In the testimony of Mother- 



76 maxntt Mifflin* 

kill Monthly Meeting, it is stated, amongst other 
things, that " that which conspicuously marked his 
character, was his disinterested labours, and the dedi- 
cation of his time and talents in advocating the cause 
and promoting the liberation of the black people. On 
that subject, he frequently expostulated with rulers 
and men in power, with Christian boldness, influ- 
enced, as we believe, by wisdom from above; endeav- 
ouring to dissuade them from encouraging the im- 
righteous traffic, and pointing out its cruelly oppress- 
ive effects upon the lives and liberties of our fellow- 
men," 

In the year 1798 he attended the Yearly Meeting 
held in Philadelphia during the prevalence of the yel- 
low fever, and, it was thought, died of that disease 
soon after his return home, aged about fifty-three 
years. 



"^'St .. 



f I 



/rarU-^^'"^^ /m,rf^//^yj^ . \, 



THE 



DEFENCE 



Warner mifflin 



Agalnft Afperfions caft on him on 

Account of his endeavours 

To promote 

Righteousness,. MERCY and peace, 

AMONG MANKIND. 



Seeing " It is gnn<l to be zcaloufly affi;a<d witli a good thing ; 
am I therefore your Enemy, becarft I tell you the Trulh" 



Oai. chat. it. 



PHILADELPHIA: 

TRIKFED BY SAMUEL SANSOM, jun. No, i? 
MULUtRXV-blREtT. ' 

1796. 




WARNER MIFFLIN'S MEMOIRS OF HIS 
LIFE/ 

" A Defence Against Aspersions, cast on him on 
account of his Endeavors to promote Righteous- 
ness, Mercy and Peace, among Mankind." 

I was born, and chiefly raised, on the Eastern 
Shore of Virginia. Although my parents were of the 
religious society, called Quakers, and exemplary in 
their lives, yet I was subject to great incitements to a 
departure from the principles, held by that people; 
there being none of that profession, except our fam- 
ily, within sixty miles. My associates were those, 
who tenaciously held the prevailing sentiments in 
favour of slavery; so that I had no opportunity of 
having my heart and views enlarged, on this interest- 
ing subject, by conversing with such of my brethren 
in profession, who had come to see the necessity of 
an impartial inquiry into the nature and tendency of 
this atrocious practice. 

Thus circumstanced, and my father then possess- 
ing a number of slaves, I was in great danger of 
becoming blinded by the influence of custom, the 
bias of education, and the delusions of self-interest; 
by which I must certainly have become fettered, as 
in chains of wrong habits, had not the emanations of 

1 Extract from " Friends' Miscellany," vol. V., No. 5, Fourth 
month. 1834. 

77 



78 Life anD ancestry of 

Divine light and grace, to which I had been early 
instructed to give attention, powerfully prevailed in 
successive visitations; so operating, as to subvert the 
effects of dangerous prepossessions, and disposing my 
mind to yield to the influences of pure wisdom, in 
regard to this, to my present view, one of the worst 
of sins. 

About the fourteenth year of my age, a circum- 
stance occurred, that tended to open the way for the 
reception of those impressions, which have since been 
sealed, with indelible clearness, on my understand- 
ing. Being in the field with my father's slaves, a 
young man among them questioned me, whether I 
thought it could be right, that they should be 
toiling in order to raise me, and that I might be 
sent to school; and by and by, their children must do 
so for mine. Some little irritation, at first, took place 
in my feelings ; but his reasoning so impressed me, as 
never to be erased from my mind. 

Before I arrived at the age of manhood, I deter- 
mined never to be a slave-holder. But the idea of 
losing so much property, as I might reasonably ex- 
pect, from the great number of slaves my father pos- 
sessed, at first view, seemed hard to reconcile. When 
I settled in a married life, the proving of my faith on 
the subject of slavery commenced. I became pos- 
sessed of several minor slaves, by my wife ; and divers 
came from my father's, on different errands, with the 
conclusion to reside with me, without any move 



Waxntt Mifflin* 79 

thereto on his part, or mine; also, my mother's family 
of blacks, from Kent County, Maryland, came to live 
with me. Thus, all I then had, of lawful age, being 
volunteers in my service, I rested quiet in the use of 
them; until, at length, I became almost persuaded, I 
could not do without them. 

When the subject of setting the blacks free was 
treated on, the prevailing opinion was, that negroes 
were such thieves, that they would not do to be free. 
And though this was chiefly the plea of slave-holders, 
yet I was glad to embrace it, as a pretext for keeping 
mine. But I was not suffered long to rest unre- 
proved, in this spot. My fig-leaf covering of excuse 
was stripped off, and my state discovered to me, by 
the penetrating rays of that light, which maketh 
manifest; for "whatsoever maketh manifest, is 
light." From these convictions, a considerable con- 
flict arose in my mind. But after continuing for 
some time, debating, resolving, and re-resolving, a 
period arrived, when He who hath his way in the 
clouds, in the whirlvdnd, in the earthquake, and in 
the thick darkness, — was pleased to arouse me to 
greater vigilance, by his terrors for sin; and for hav- 
ing omitted to do what had clearly appeared as my 
duty, in this business. 

In the time of a thunder storm, when every flash of 
lightning seemed as though it might be the instru- 
ment to despatch me into a state of fixedness, and 
with the measure of my duty herein, not filled up, — 



80 MU anD ancestrp of 

what could I expect, if taken hence in that condition, 
but an eternal separation from heavenly enjoyment? 
Though these sensations may appear strange to some, 
who neither fear God, nor regard man, yet I still 
retain a willingness, that such seasons of convulsion 
in the outward elements, may be impressive of solid 
instruction to my mind. 

It then settled on my understanding, that I should 
be excluded from happiness, if I continued in this 
breach of the Divine law, written upon my heart, as 
by the finger of God: although want and disgrace to 
my family seemed to present, with threatening 
aspect, if I should adhere to the dictates of justice. I 
therefore, in the year 1774, manumitted those I had, 
as my Avif e's property ; flattering myself that I might 
retain such who came of their own accord, while they 
chose to continue as heretofore. But, being visited 
with affliction, and the presentation of an awful eter- 
nity, a willingness was wrought in me, to cast my care 
on a merciful Providence, and, at all events, to resign 
to what I did believe was called for, at my hands, — 
that of bearing a faithful testimony against the 
abominable practice of enslaving my fellow-men. I 
therefore let my father know that he must take the 
blacks away, or authorise me to set them free. He 
readily told me, I might do as I would; on which, in 
the year 1775, T executed another deed of emancipa- 
tion for all I held, as mine. 

It is with peculiar satisfaction, I can remark, that 



MJarner Mifflin* si 

my father was not long behind me, in espousing the 
cause of liberty. After sealing the sincerity of his 
professions, by the liberation of about a hundred 
slaves, — notwithstanding the discouragement of a 
law then existing, he became a zealous advocate, and 
intercessor for them, with their masters ; and in many 
instances, his labors were successful. He often ap- 
peared alone in courts of law, amidst surrounding 
opponents, to plead the cause of individuals, of the 
African race, who had a claim to freedom. 

About the twenty-fourth year of my age, I was put 
into commission of a justice of the peace; which 
tended to excite considerable thirst for preferment 
in government ; — a taste for which had much impeded 
my testimony against slavery, as it furnished an addi- 
tional idea of the necessity for slaves, to support me 
in that mode of life. But, after those seasons of con- 
flict, before hinted at, I became impressed with a 
belief, that it was right for me to decline this office, 
and with it any future advancement to stations in 
power. 

Although I revere magistracy, believing in the 
sacred text, that it is " an ordinance of God," and a 
great benefit to mankind, when executed under his 
holy and preserving fear; — yet, in the present state 
of the governments of this world, I apprehend my 
brethren in profession cannot be active therein, con- 
sistent with our principles of being called to become, 
through a faithful adherence to Divine monitions, 
6 



82 Mtt anD ancestrp of 

even as some of the first fruits of the nations unto 
God, in the support of our Christian testimony; 
against war; with which the various governments 
amongst men have so mucli affinity. 

I was solemnly impressed with the importance of 
the trust, when about to undertake the commission, 
and resolved to discharge my duty therein; — yet, 
though I endeavored to perform this, to the best of 
my understanding, I never felt that peace of mind 
which I desired, during my continuance in office. 
This brought me into a strict scrutiny, which was suc- 
ceeded by a confirmation of the truth of our great 
Master's declaration, when he said, " My kingdom is 
not of this world." To these sentiments and princi- 
ples, my mind hath remained steadfastly attached, 
when, at different times since, I have been solicited 
to accept of any station or office, either in the legisla- 
tive or executive departments of government. I 
know the mind becomes, at least, considerably dis- 
qualified, for the promulgation of peace and good-will 
amongst men, when it embarks in human policy, on 
its fluctuating sea of party spirit, that gendereth envy, 
malice, revenge, rents, divisions, and war. The abun- 
dant use of oaths, with frequent perjuries, in what 
relates to matters of government, appears to me, not 
only a manifest violation of the injunction of Christ 
to his followers, " Swear not at all;" because, what- 
soever exceedeth the simple and plain communication 



Wamtt Mifflin* 83 

of " Yea, yea, and nay, nay, cometli of evil;" — but 
is also a profanation of the sacred Name. 

And indeed, I have felt scrupulous of taking an 
active part at elections, lest I should not only become 
tinctured with a spirit of party but also contribute, 
by my vote, to the placing in power of those who 
might thereby become oppressors of tender con- 
sciences. If we give no just occasion of offence, but 
are, in other respects, useful members of the com- 
munity, we may, without censure, be permitted to 
exercise these scruples; and it would be more to the 
honour, as well as blessedness of the world, if tender- 
ness of conscience was more cherished. 

To resume my narrative. I was concerned in the 
settlement of two estates, to which many of the Afri- 
can race belonged. In one case, they were willed to 
the heirs particularly named, and, as executor, I at 
first conceived I must exercise the government over 
them, in order to enable me to settle with the heirs. 
But when I turned solidly to consider the subject, I 
felt that I should not be justified in doing that for 
another, which I was fully convinced was a sin for me 
to do, on my own account. This prospect being clear, 
a solemn impression, which I believed to be the lan- 
guage of holy certainty, was made on my mind, that 
neither I, nor mine, should ever suffer, by my dis- 
charging them: and this intimation, I believe, was 
never doubted by me. I called them in, and let them 



84 Life anD ancestrp of 

know, that, so far as I had power, they were free. 
Some, who were hired by their o^vIl consent, I in- 
formed, they must continue the time out, and they 
should have their wages; and likewise all their earn- 
ings, since their master's death. This was fully com- 
plied with, on my part, to the best of my knowledge : 
and, according to my faith, so was the event; — the 
several heirs, as they arrived at lawful age, con- 
firmed the liberation of the slaves, and released me. 

I also found an engagement to make restitution to 
those I had held in a state of bondage, for the time 
so held; which was done, according to the judgment 
of indifferent men, agreed on by the blacks and my- 
self. And, on reflection, I found I had so much hand 
in selling some, as to bring me under an obligation 
to release them; which I did, to a considerable 
amount, on my own account, my then wife's, and 
some who had belonged to her father and grand- 
father. 

About this time, I was appointed on a committee, 
to labour with the members of our society, who held 
slaves, in order for the convincement of their under- 
standings of the inconsistency of the practice with. 
Christianity. Which labours were so far blest, that 
in a little time, most of our members liberated their 
slaves. 

iSTow great stir was made, as if the country was 
going to be overturned and ruined. It seemed as if 
the living spirit had gone forth, to deceive the peo- 



fflatner Qiittlin* 85 

pie. On setting my blacks free, I thought it best to 
put them from me, in order to manifest that thej 
were free. It was then circulated, that Mifflin had set 
free a parcel of lazj, worthless negroes, that he could 
make nothing by them, and therefore had set them 
at liberty. This reflection, however unjust, had some 
weight with me; and regarding that scripture injunc- 
tion, " let not then your good be evil spoken of," I 
thought it expedient to propose their having land, 
and teams; and in return, they should give me half 
their produce. This was put in execution with those 
who chose to accept the terms. Immediately, the 
tune was turned, and it was reported, that Mifflin was 
making more money by his negroes now, than ever, 
and keeping them in more abject slavery, under the 
pretence of their being free. I then determined to 
do what I believed was right, not regarding the un- 
bridled tong-ues of men: and so I have endeavored to 
act, passing through both good and evil report. 

Another trial occurred. I felt religiously engaged 
in testimony against the pernicious use of ardent 
spirits, so generally prevalent, particularly in time of 
harvest. We had been in the superfluoiis use of it, in 
my family, when I was in the commission of the 
peace; so that I frequently kept the bottle and the 
bowl on the table, from morning till night: it being 
then, and I fear is yet, too much the corrupt manner, 
by which worldly promotion is commonly attained. I 
now found a sore conflict was to be experienced, in 



86 Life anD ancesttp of 

adopting a practice, so reverse to wkat I had been in, 
and in which I should stand alone. And, having dis- 
charged mj slaves, I feared 1 might never be able to 
save mj grain, or carry on my farming to support, 
my family : but the conviction of the rectitude of this 
concern was such, that I felt constrained to make the 
attempt. I had a number of people at work in my 
fields; among others, a master-mason and divers of 
his hands; and I thought if he became reconciled to 
work without spirits, it would tend to settle the minds 
of his companions. I therefore began to discourse 
with him, while he was reaping: when, in a most 
shocking manner, he damned religion, and said he 
would have rum. This so affected me, that I left the 
field, — apprehending I should never be able to stem 
such a torrent. But, seriously pondering on the sub- 
ject and the concern enlarging in my view, with in- 
creasing weight, it was sealed on my understanding, 
that if I should hand out this liquor, and any life, by 
its means, be lost, (as I had several times seen a dan- 
ger of being the case) I should not be clear of the 
blood of such. On which, I determined, through 
Divine assistance, never to use it again, on any like 
occasions; and, with thankfulness, I may acknowl- 
edge, I have been favoured never to suffer damage, 
through the disuse of it in my fields; and have been 
so preserved from the misapplication of it since, that 
in all my concerns, there has not been one pint used, 



Earner Q^ifflin* 87 

except on particular occasions, as medicine, and that 
but little. 

The American Revolution now began to make its 
appearance; and as I was religiously restrained from 
taking any part therein, the epithet of toryism was 
placed on me, by interested holders of slaves. In- 
sinuations were also thrown out, that my labour for 
the freedom of the blacks was in order to attach them 
to the British interest; notwithstanding I had liber- 
ated mine, on the ground of religious conviction, 
before this revolutionary period arrived. Added to 
this, on the issuing of the bills of credit, by CongTess, 
I felt restricted from receiving them, lest I might 
thereby, in some sort, defile my hands with one of the 
engines of war. From this circumstance, I was fur- 
ther dipped into sympathy with the condition of the 
blacks; for, by declining to use the paper money, I 
was in danger of being declared an enemy to my 
country, and like them, to be thrown out from the 
benefit of its laws: and this for no other crime, but 
yielding to the impulses of Divine grace, or obedience 
to the law of God, written in my heart ; which I ever 
found the safest ground to move upon. 

Abundant threats were poured out, that my house 
should be pulled down over my head ; — that I should 
be shot, carted, &c. This proved a fiery trial, and my 
mind was almost overwhelmed, lest I should bring my 
family to want, and for fear that it might be through 



88 Mtt anD ancestrp oC 

a deception. In the bitterness of my soul, I left my 
house in the night-season, and walked into a field; but 
without any sensible relief, returned again to the 
house. On stepping in at the door, I saw a Testa- 
ment, and opening it at the 13th chapter of Revela- 
tions, found mention there made of a time when none 
should buy or sell, but those who received the mark 
of the beast, in the right hand, or forehead. ]^ow, it 
fixed in my mind, that if I took that money, after 
receiving those impressions, I should receive a mark 
of the bestial spirit of war, in my right hand, and 
then, the penalty which is annexed, and described in 
the ensuing chapter, must follow. I then resolved, 
through the Lord's assistance, (which I craved might 
be afforded,) let what would follow, never to deal in 
any of it. This afforded me some relief; and, finding 
my wife so far united with me, as to refuse it like- 
wise, she saying, though she did not feel the matter 
as I did, yet, for fear of weakening my hands, she 
was most easy not to touch it, — I became much 
strengthened, and resigned to suffer what might be 
permitted; feeling, at times, the prevalence of that 
Power, which delivers from all fear of the malice of 
men, or infernal spirits, and which reduces the soul 
into perfect subjection to the holy will, and ordering 
of the Divine Providence. 

Light seems to be increasingly spreading, on this 
subject; or, at least, more are disposed to yield to its 
emanations, than heretofore. An instance of this 



Wamtt ©itflin* 89 

appears in a pamphlet, written by a clergyman, in 
England, and lately reprinted in Philadelphia, which 
I would recommend to the perusal of my readers. In 
it are these remarks: " Such is the dread of singu- 
larity, in dissenting from opinions, sanctioned by 
public approbation and applause, that but few have 
courage to forsake the beaten track, and think for 
themselves, in matters confessedly of the highest 
importance. And thus, the specious reasonings and 
conclusions of men, who have no better claim to infal- 
libility than ourselves, — are suffered to divert us 
from a simple attention to the example, and un-am- 
biguous precepts of him, who has presented to us, in 
his own sacred person, celestial excellence, and the 
most complete pattern of all moral virtue. On sub- 
jects, which do not relate to the great truths of relig- 
ion, we may be indifferent; and it is, doubtless, best 
not to be earnest and tenacious for either side of the 
question : but, in relation to doctrines, upon the estab- 
lishment and promulgation of which, the temporal, 
and perhaps the eternal welfare of millions, to some 
measure, depends, — it is the duty of interest of every 
one to search for truth, as for hid treasure; — to be 
fully persuaded in his own mind, that his principles 
are founded in immutable Truth, and unerring recti- 
tude. Let such then unfold the sacred volume, and 
say in what part of it they can find any passage, that 
will, either directly or indirectly, prove war to be 
justifiable, on Christian principles; — that will fur- 



90 Life anD ance^trp of 

nish one argument in favour of a Christian's endeav- 
ouring to injure his fellow-creature, even his most 
bitter and inveterate enemy, so much as in thought; 
— or, what is more, that can justify him in dislodging 
a human soul from its appointed tabernacle, by 
destroying that life, which he neither gave, nor can 
restore. Do not the doctrines of the Xew Testament 
uniformly declare against it; and most expressly and 
unequivocally prove, that war is directly opposed to 
the very aim and end of Christianity; which offers 
reconciliation to the greatest offenders, and makes our 
acceptance with God, absolutely to depend on our 
forgiveness of those, by whom we, ourselves, have 
been injured." 

" What can be said in extenuation of the guilt of 
those who set others on to war, who never saw each 
other's faces, nor even had any possible occasion for 
hatred or animosity ? Who can say that such are 
more innocent, than the duelist and suicide, or less 
deserving the pmiishment due to such heinous 
offences against the Divine law ? " 

An occurrence took place, which produced renewed 
exercise of mind, and, in the hour of affliction, sealed 
further instruction on this subject. I received a 
severe hurt on my leg; and while under extreme 
anguish in dressing it, was brought into sympathy 
with a poor soldier, whose leg being fractured, he 
was left without help, in the field of battle. Even 
since arriving to years, capable of judging, I have 



had a testimony against war; but never so powerfully 
impressive, as at that time. So that I told my wife, 
if every farthing we possessed was seized for the pur- 
pose of supporting war, and I was informed that it 
should all go, unless I voluntarily gave a shilling, I 
was satisfied I should not so redeem it. 

Shortly after this, an account arrived, that a vessel 
from the West Indies was run ashore, by the Eng- 
lish, at Lewistown; and the militia were called upon 
to keep them from pliuidering her. On hearing 
which, this clear presentation took place : here is the 
channel, through which, in a time of national hostil- 
ity, those sweets that I am so fond of, come, at the 
manifest risk of the lives of my fellow-men. I re- 
membered, impressively, what were David's sensa- 
tions, when his valiant men rushed through the Phil- 
istine army, to bring him water from a well, which 
he longed for. He was struck with sympathy for 
them; and because they went in jeopardy of their 
lives, he was not easy to gratify his palate therewith, 
but poured it out, in dedication to the Lord. In like 
manner, I felt a prohibition from using foreign im- 
ports; and, during the continuance of the war, never 
touched therewith, except what seasoning of salt 
might have been in my food, when from home. And, 
being brought into deep feeling for the oppressions 
of the poor Africans, in the West Indies, I have not 
been easy with indulging myseK in using the produce 
of their labour, since; lest it should, even in a small 



92 Mit anD ^nctmv of 

degree, contribute towards the continued existence 
of a trade, which interests the planters in keeping up 
the numbers of their groaning labourers. 

The revolutionary war advancing, with increasing 
distress, gloomy prospects opened, and close provings 
seemed at the door of such as were measurably re- 
deemed from the spirit of party. ISTot only our testi- 
mony against war, in the support of which, our relig- 
ious society has often been brought under trials; but 
that, against pulling do^vn or setting up, govern- 
ments, was brought to the test. There are those who, 
from full experience, know that it is not a cunningly 
devised fable, but the Truth of God revealed in the 
heart, which shows us that we are called to exalt the 
pure standard of the Prince of peace, above all party 
rage, strife, contention, rents and divisions, in the 
spirit of meekness and wisdom ; and, in quietness and 
confidence, patiently to suffer for the promotion of 
this peaceable government of Christ, manifested in 
and through an innocent life and conversation, in 
which the language is felt, " Glory to God in the 
highest; on earth, peace and good-will to men." 

This has been the experience of many; and such 
were my own sensations, when, at one view, I beheld 
both armies, and had to risk a passage through them. 
I counted none of my enemy. I felt no fear from 
anything on my part, either in thought, word or 
deed; many times concluding, I should have no objec- 
tion for the two contending generals to have known 



m^mtt Mifflin* 93 

my whole heart and conduct. At an early period of 
that calamity, I had been convinced that it would not 
do for me, even in thought, to wander without the 
boimdaries of my professed principles; otherwise I 
could not expect to be sustained by the God of the 
faithful, whose everlasting arm of help, with humble 
gratitude I may acknowledge, hath been stretched 
out for my strengthening and confirmation, in divers 
instances : one of which was, when called upon, among 
others, for the support of Truth, to appear before the 
Assembly of Pennsylvania, on behalf of our Friends, 
who were banished from Philadelphia to Virginia. 
Another, when on the day of the battle at German- 
town, our Yearly Meeting issued a testimony respect- 
ing our peaceable principles, — I was one, among 
others, appointed to present it to the commander-in- 
chief, of each army. This was a proving time, — to 
pass through opposing armies, most of whose minds 
were probably agitated, and many of them afresh 
fired, by the spirit of war, from their recent engage- 
ment; — and Avith no passport or shield to protect us 
from any merciless attack, but our own innocence, 
sheltered by the wing of Divine preservation. But 
herein, I was brought into renewed sympathy with 
our oppressed brethren of the African race, many of 
whom are exposed to the uncontrolled power of man, 
without any earthly tribunal, whereunto they can 
appeal for redress of grievances. 

Through many similar exercises, with frequent 



94: Mtt ant} ancesttp of 

demands for, though but little seizure of, my, prop- 
erty, I passed along, till the close of the war, when 
great spoil was made. But, at length, through a 
steady perseverance, things began to wear a differ- 
ent aspect; hard speeches, sour looks, and threats 
gradually abated, — and throughout the whole, I had 
not an insult offered to me, in person. 

Congress having published a declaration, that they 
" hold these truths to be self-evident ; — that all men 
are created equal; — that they are endowed by their 
Creator, with certain inalienable rights; — that, 
among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- 
piness; — and that, to secure these rights, govern- 
ments are instituted among men." And seeing this 
was the very substance of the doctrine I had been 
concerned to promulgate, for years, — I became ani- 
mated with a hope, that if the representatives were 
sincere, and inculcated these views among the people 
generally, a blessing to this nation would accompany 
those endeavours. 

To serve my country, by my exertions to remove 
one cause of impending judgment, I was concerned 
to unite with my brethren, in representing the case 
of the enslaved Africans, to different legislative 
bodies. In the year 1782, we appeared before the 
Assembly of Virginia; which was attended with great 
satisfaction, having a set of liberal-spirited members 
to deal with; — ^when a law took place, admitting of 
emancipation: to which law, Judge Tucker, in his 



late publication, says, may be attributed the libera- 
tion of some thousands of blacks. In 1783, we pre- 
sented a memorial to Congress, respecting the slave- 
trade; and met mth encouragement. Afterwards, in 
the legislatures of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Dela- 
ware, some important steps were taken. Also, in our 
subsequent application to Congress, it was evident 
that a large part of that body were favourably dis- 
posed towards the rights of this people. 

From these encouraging circumstances, I was 
induced to hope that Divine favour might yet be 
continued to this land; yet I was often impressed 
with fears, that our progress in this business was not 
proportionable to the light which had arisen. Indeed, 
it is a mournful consideration, that this nation should 
yet be stained with the blood of the African slave- 
trade; and that seven hundred thousand slaves, ac- 
cording to late calculation, should continue to groan, 
in a land of boasted liberty. My heart has been 
grieved, and my soul has lamented, for this afflicted 
race, as well as for the condition of my country; hav- 
ing often felt apprehensive that the hand of judg- 
ment would be stretched out upon a guilty people, if 
there was not a greater reformation from this, and 
other evils and vices, too prevalent in the land. 

Fully believing that " righteousness exalteth a na- 
tion, but sin is a shame to any people," — ^I am 
anxiously desirous that we may be numbered with the 
wise promoters of the public good. For I am per- 



96 Mtt anD ^ntt$ttv of 

suaded, that the growing sins of America, if persisted 
in, will finally be attended with dreadful conse- 
quences; according to the testimony of the sacred 
record, that, verily, there is a reward for the right- 
eous; and verily, there is a God that judgeth in the 
earth. In the due exercise of his judgment, taking 
cognizance of the actions of men, he will assuredly 
recompence to all, according to the fruit of their 
doings; — to nations, as well as to individuals; — let 
the sophist speculate as he will, about sacred things, 
in that wisdom which darkens counsel, by words with- 
out true knowledge. 

It is from a sense of duty, both to myself and my 
country, that I make these observations, and state 
some things, interesting to both. It was on this 
ground, I became engaged with others, to urge the 
subject of our righteous concern to different legisla- 
tures; in order to remove legislative obstacles from 
those who are disposed to liberate their slaves, and to 
protect those who are set free. And though 
salutary laws have been enacted in some States, for 
which, I believe, a blessing will attend them, yet still 
the evil is continued in other parts; where conscien- 
tious persons are discouraged from liberating their 
slaves, — as, by existing laws, the blacks are liable 
again to be taken into bondage, by dissolute people 
who are disposed to avail themslves of unrighteous 
laws; and in many instances, great numbers have 
been cruelly seized, and sold into renewed bondage. 



Watmt Mifflin* 97 

Doth this not excite a fearful apprehension, that the 
measure of their iniquity is fiEing up, who so act, and 
that they are ripening for the chastisement which 
shall be poured upon the workers of iniquity ? An 
additional enormity prevailing, is, the kidnapping of 
free blacks, carrying them off, and selling them for 
slaves; — in some instances, whole families, and in 
others, separating them one from another. 

It is urged as a great objection to the emancipation 
of the blacks, their disposition to pilfering. — But, is 
not the depriving of them of that most valuable prop- 
erty, liberty, — and keeping them under the oppres- 
sion of slavery, the very cause of this fault ? Being 
pinched, at times, for every necessary of life, they 
put forth a hand to partake of what, in equity, their 
labour gives them some claim to from their pos- 
sessors, where due support is withheld: And these 
practices becoming habitual in their impoverished 
condition, they discriminate not sufficiently between 
the property of those they labour for, and others ; but 
when opportunity presents, frequently supply their 
wants from all alike, except when a principle of re- 
ligious rectitude restrains from all such acts. I 
attempt not to palliate the crime. I have endeav- 
oured, what lay in my power, to discourage such pro- 
ceedings, and to point out the necessity of departing 
from these practices, — ^labouring to inculcate the 
Christian doctrine of returning good for evil, where- 
by they might know an overcoming of evil with good. 
7 



98 Mtt anD ance0trp of 

But as slavery decreases, and becomes exploded, we 
may reasonably hope its concomitant habits will also 
decrease and a greater nobility of soul take place. I 
believe the Almighty has arisen in judgment, in this 
business, — and that his voice will be found to exceed 
the sound of many waters, or all the cavils of the 
people, and will finally over-power all opposition. 

If we were more faithful in the discharge of our 
duty towards God, and this people, I believe they 
would act differently towards us. But where do 
negro crimes exceed the crimes of white people ? 
When we see men, selling tender babes from a fond 
mother, — a beloved wife, from an affectionate hus- 
band, — or, an aged father from his offspring, with 
whom he lived from their early years; — Ah! what 
language can paint, in its genuine colours, this abomi- 
nable practice ! ! 

How rejoicing would it be to me, if, with Divine 
allowance, I might be placed in a situation, exempt 
from that continued grief of soul, which is almost 
daily renewed, by seeing and hearing those acts of 
inhumanity, committed by my countrymen ! Could 
I have believed myself authorised by the approbation 
of heaven, I should, long ere this time, have sought 
an asylum, in some other quarter. But I desire to 
be found in my proper allotment, the little time I 
may be here, — faithfully discharging my duty 
towards my Creator, and my country. 

Some advance that negroes pay no regard to the 



(KJatnet Qiiftlin* 99 

natural ties of husband and wife, parent and child; 
but I know to the contrary. Unnatural and hard- 
ened characters there are in all nations; but that 
such abound more, among this people than others, in 
proportion to their circumstances, I cannot admit. 
Where such instances have occurred, to whom must 
we attribute the fault ? To the poor, degraded blacks ; 
or to the nominal professors of the blessed name of 
Christ ? 

It has been reported that I have persuaded the 
blacks to run from their masters, and that I give 
them passes whenever they apply, without discrimi- 
nating between those who are free, and others. But 
it is the reverse of my judgment of propriety, in pre- 
serving the peace of society, to persuade these peo- 
ple from their claimers' service; and beneath the up- 
rightness of my profession, to recommend any as free 
people, who are not such. I believe a cause that is 
sanctioned by omnipotent Goodness, needs no such 
efforts to make it successful: but the more pure and 
upright its espousers are, the more it will be ad- 
vanced. I believe the voice of the spiritual Moses, 
even the Lord from heaven, who is a quickening 
spirit, has been as intelligibly sounded in the ears of 
Americans, as the voice of Moses was formerly heard 
by the Egyptians: and "if they escaped not, who 
refused him that spake on earth, how much more 
shall not we escape, if we turn away from him who 
speaketh from heaven ? " 



l.ofG. 



100 Life anD ancestrp of 

I am troubled at seeing any run from their mas- 
ters, and generally counsel such, that it is my judg- 
ment they had better remain at home, in quiet resig- 
nation, as much as possible, to their allotment; and 
that, if through a good conduct they should obtain 
favour of their Maker, he could change the hearts of 
their possessors, and induce them to set them free. 
Some have taken my coimsel, and returned; others 
have judged best to pursue their own prospects, let 
the event be as it might. 

Is there a white man among thousands, who, if cap- 
tured by the Algerines, would not embrace his lib- 
erty, should opportunity present? If I were a hu- 
mane Algerine, residing in their land, and an Ameri- 
can, in escaping from his master, ventured to call at 
my house, informing that he had not eaten anything 
for several days, — would his countrymen judge it 
criminal in me, to feed him? What then should be 
the conduct of the high professors of Christianity, in 
a similar case, towards a people who differ from us, by 
a few darker shades of the skin ? Is there any part of 
our religion that would authorize us to seize such, and 
drag them again into bondage ? Or, would it not be 
as great a violation of the righteous law of God, who, 
as scripture testifies, is no respecter of persons, but 
hath created of one blood all nations of men, — to 
seize on one of a dark complexion, as one of a fairer 
hue? 

I dread the consequence of a continuance of wrong 



matntt ^ifain* loi 

things, in our land. Have we not seen evident tokens 
of Divine displeasure? Hath not the sword, the 
famine, and the pestilence, made their appearance, in 
various places ? And, as a gentle rod shaken over us, 
are they not calling loudly for greater degrees of 
humility, repentance, and amendment of life; lest 
Omnipotence should pour forth upon us more abun- 
dantly the vials of his wrath; and tribulation, an- 
guish, and woe should be the complicated portion of 
the inhabitants of this land. Let us then, by a strict 
attention to the discharge of our duty towards God 
and man, so act as to invite the blessings of the Lord 
upon us — for he is ever ready to shower down his 
favours on the obedient workmanship of his hands. 
That this may be our happy experience, is the desire 
and prayer of a lover of his country, and country- 
men, a peaceable subject to its laws, and a universal 
friend to mankind. 

Warner Mifflin. 



Kent, on Delaware, 11th mo., 1796. 



A LETTER TO WARNER MIFFLIN. 

To tlie Respectable 

Warner Mifflin, 

North America. 



Respectable Warner Mifflin ! Thou whose virtues 
have penetrated me with esteem for thyself; and with 
gratitude to the Supreme Being, who Amidst a race 
of carnel perfidious men has sent into the world such 
a person as thou art, for the consolation & honor of 
human nature. Think not unworthily of this little 
tribute of commendation which a Frenchman is eager 
to render to thy virtues. It is a Philanthropist, and 
consequently one of thy friends, who writes this let- 
ter, and who wishes not to flatter thee but to return 
the thanks for the good Example thou settest to thy 
fellow creatures, and for the benefits which thou con- 
ferest on them. 

Yes! in my rural retirement I will consecrate to 
thee a Monmnent in the midst of my Groves. Yes ! 
an inscription consisting only of a recital of the bene- 
fits thou hast bestowed on Mankind, shall serve as a 

102 



mmntt Qiitflin* 103 

lesson and an example to my Children and to our 
more remote posterity. 

(Sgd) LOMEEIE 

Member of the philanthropic Society of Paris — 

of the Eoyal Society of agriculture of the 

same City and of the Society of arts of 

London. — Write to the Address 

of Messrs. at 

Haver de Grace 



FEOM THE DIAKY OF ELIZABETH 
DRINKER. 

" Oct. 11, 1777. Warner MiiBin and party re- 
turned from visit to G. Washington." (p. 58.) 

" Dec. 2, 1777. Warner Mifflin called, and sat with 
others smoking their pipes until after 3 o'clock." 
(p. 70.) 

" Dec. 6, 1794." Mentions a negro boy sent " from 
one of the lower counties, Kent, I believe it was," by 
Warner Mifflin; price 15 pounds, (p. 250.) 

" Apl. 5, 1797. Warner and Nancy Mifflin, and 
Alexander Martin, member of Congress and formerly 
Governor of North Carolina, took tea with us." 
(p. 300.) 



TWO LETTERS FROM WARNER MIFFLIN TO 
HENRY DRINI^R/ 

LETTER TO HENKY DEINKEE, 

Dear Friend: — I should have wrote thee before 
this, I believe, had not William Savery come along 
and got some account how matters went in our con- 
vention, but I have been uneasy since that I had not, 
thinking it was incumbent on us so to have done. I 
therefore give thee a short hint thereof. I believe I 
attended them every day through their sittings except 
one meeting-day, and I am very strongly suspicious 
that John Dickinson knew that was our meeting-day, 
as he then moved that the blacks should be prevented 
by the constitution from purchasing real property, 
etc., his conduct respecting the blacks and the con- 
scientiously scrupulous against arms, induced one to 
beliove that he was as great an enemy to the cause of 
righteousness as was in that body. I told him so in 
a letter delivered him myself the last day, and I do 
verily believe if any one Presbyterian in New Castle 
County had been there in his place, something would 
have been done in both cases, he was in the way. I 
told him those that came the nearest to the truth and 
were not in it, and profess it, were its greatest ene- 
mies.. They have expunged the article respecting the 

^ " Searches Among Old Papers — No. 8," printed in The 
Friend. 

104 



Wmmt 93iffiin. 105 

militia, but altered the first respecting conscience, con- 
fining the rights of conscience to what they call wor- 
ship. I called Coram out just after he had spoke on 
this subject, and queried who gave him the power to 
limit and square the rights of other men's consciences 
within such limited bounds, as such a circle. I told 
him it was necessary to vary his expressions, for if he 
limited the rights of conscience he was an usurper — 
he ought to vary it to something approved or pre- 
tended for, that the rights of conscience were sacred. 
And I called out several of the Presbyterians, and 
told them that if Presbyterians would only give 
Quakers as good a government as Quakers gave Pres- 
byterians upwards of a century back, we should not 
complain, after they had such a length of time to 
improve and reform, that I was sorry to find that the 
seeds of persecution were manifest more within the 
limits of Penn's lines among the Presbyterians than 
any other part of the United States. I was sorry it 
was yet among them. I asked liberty to speak among 
them on this subject, in convention, which was read- 
ily granted. I let them know we were on that ground 
not to be disappointed, and I hope we were prepared 
to receive their determination. Be it as it might, I 
believed it was not likely to put us in a worse situa- 
tion than we had been, that we had a sufficiency yet 
left, and that if they preferred oppressing tender con- 
sciences, that a curse instead of a blessing would be 
likely to attend their fines and penalties, that our 



106 Life and ^ncestrp of 

consolation would be that we had discharged our 
duty, and leave the event. A motion was made near 
their conclusion that no slave should be exported or 
imported into the State. This made some warmth. 
Sussex members picked up their hats and ran out, 
that on the vote there was then but seventeen would 
vote — eight for and nine against the motion. This 
was ill-timed. I did not promote it, so it stands. 

I received a few lines the other day from Caspar 
W. Haines, mentioning a debt due from — Wallis 
to his father, and that in some way thou would have 
to pay money to Wallace, that he had spoken to thee 
respecting my debt due thee, and that thou was will- 
ing to settle it in this way, which is very agreeable to 
me and the more so, as it is to them, I expected to 
have received information from thee, whether a turn 
was likely to answer as was talked of respecting Pope, 
but not having heard from thee, I intended to have 
given thee a draft for some money I had in Philadel- 
phia when thou was down, but thou did start sooner 
than I expected. Thou wilt therefore please settle 
my bond in this way, and I shall leave it with Caspar 
to discharge the whole of his father's bond, or only 
so much as will discharge that balance with me, as 
may best suit his conveniency, of which thou can 
inform me — though I shall write a few lines to him. 

I want to send the paper I read to thee and Thomas 
Mooney for the consideration of Friends — circum- 
stances call for something being done in some way. 



m^tmt Mifflin* 107 

The infernal business continues, and the clamor 
against me in Maryland increases. What will the 
issue be — perhaps the march through the land of 
what is called the Hessian fly will do something, as it 
has made its appearance in our neighborhood, as well 
as other strokes at the wheat — scale and rust. 

I should like to be at your Quarter if an engage- 
ment on appointment of our own Quarter does not 
overbalance at that time — whether or not I expect 
thou may hear from me before that time. In haste, I 
am with love to self and family, thy affectionate 
friend, 

Warner Mifflin. 

Sixth Month 27th, 1792. 



Head of Sassafras, 

6th of Eighth Month, 1792.' 

Respected Friend, Henry Drinker: — Being at this 
place, attending with a Committee of our Quarterly 
Meeting, of which number are our friends, Trustrem 
Needles and Mary Berry, when the former showed 
me a letter which he received from John Fariss, re- 
specting the wagon that the European Friend had, 
that he had given some directions to inquire after, 
informing that it might be had for twenty-five 

^ " Searches Among Old Papers — No. 10," printed in Tfie 
Friend. 



108 Life anD ance0trp of 

pounds, and was under thj direction. Trustrem said 
he did not know what to do about it; that he was 
requested to give a speedy answer; that he was unpro- 
vided with the money, or he would have sent it up. 
It brought me into a feeling on the occasion, finding 
that I was interested therein as well as he, which 
induced me to ask how that wagon was purchased, as 
I knew nothing about it. A Friend present said it 
was purchased with the Yearly Meeting stock. On 
which I thought whether it would be improper to be 
used on the present occasion to take our friend, Mary 
Berry, to Carolina while it remains the property of 
the Yearly Meeting, or whether the Yearly Meeting 
stock is not used in that way for any but Europeans. 
I never saw one year's accounts of our Yearly Meet- 
ing in my life, but I thought I would propose this 
matter for thy consideration, and if it is improper I 
think it will lay with the members of our Quarterly 
Meeting more generally. I think it is not right to 
suffer any one Monthly Meeting to be too much 
straightened on such account, and propose to take 
some order therein when I receive an answer from 
thee, which I shall be pleased to receive as quick as 
possible, in order to return the necessary answer, as 
I do expect the wagon will be depended on for this 
journey. 

Had it not been that this business I am now here 
upon had interfered at this time, I intended at your 
Quarter. I want the consideration of some Friend 



Wnmtt Mifflin* 109 

on some of my performances very much. My con- 
flict on account of the poor blacks is as great as ever, 
and a small addition thereto is by a great man living 
in Maryland, by will, leaving me four of his favorite 
negroes (the will being made before the law was 
passed authorizing freeing by will), one of them com- 
ing to me with a letter from the executor, was taken 
up by a tavern-keeper, tied and kept all night, and 
next day robbed of his money — of which I have clear 
proof. The negro had sufficient and clear pass. My 
babe has the ague. The rest of my family were toler- 
ably well. My eldest daughter, Elizabeth, has left 
me since thou was down. She is married to Clayton 
Cowgill, eldest son of our valued friend, John Cow- 
gill, deceased, which, though agreeable to me, yet I 
found it a great thing to give up to, the parting with 
a child. What would I do, then, if I was a negro, 
and had a daughter carried from me to Carolina? 
Oh, this ! 

My kind love to self and family and inquiring 
friends. Thine in heart, 

Waener Mifflin. 



WARNER MIFFLIN'S OFFICIAL POSITIONS. 

Magistrate for Kent Co., appointed 1770. See 
Col. Records of Pa., Vol IX., p. 645. Hist. 
Soc. Pa. 

Justice of the Peace for Kent Co., from Decem- 
ber 1771 to October, 1774; 2nd Series Penna. 
Archives, Vol. IX., p. 653. Hist. Soc. Pa. 

A Justice of the Court of General Quarter Ses- 
sions of the Peace, and of the County Court of 
Common Pleas, for Kent Co., in 1774. 
Aitkens General Annual Register for 1774. 
Hist. Soc. of Maryland, 



110 



MANUMISSIONS OF SLAVES BY THE MEM- 
BEKS OF DUCK CREEK MONTHLY MEET- 
ING ^ AND SO]\£E OTHER FRIENDS. 

RECORDED ACCORDING TO DIRECTION OF IST DAY MEET- 
ING 22d day of 2 MO. 177Y. 

I, Warner Mifflin of the Comity of Kent on Dela- 
ware, Merchant, do hereby manumit and set abso- 
lutely free my negro Man called James (whom I set 
at Liberty some time back and gave an Instrument of 
Writing for said Purpose under my Hand and Seal) 
also my negro Woman called Mariah aged about 
twenty-three & her child Ann aged three years; and 
her child Lydia aged six years to be absolutely free 
at eighteen years of age ; as also my negro Girl called 
Melissa about twelve years of age, also to be abso- 
lutely free at eighteen years of age: so that the said 
negro Man James and negro Woman Mariah shall be 
deemed adjudged and taken as and for free and at 
their own disposal to all Intents and Purposes; and 
also her child Ann and her child Lydia & the girl 
Melissa when they arrive to eighteen years of age as 
aforesaid without the Lett Hindrance or Molestation 
of any Person or Persons whatsoever. In Witness 

^ " First monthly meeting held at Duck Creek, 10 mo. 19. 
1705." (p. 111.) 

" In 1852 the Preparative Meeting was laid down, and its 
members joined Little Creek." (p. 112) Michener's " Retro- 
spect of Early Quakerism." 

Ill 



112 Mtt and ^ncegtrp of 

whereof I have hereunto set my Hand and Seal this 
twenty-second Day of the tenth Month in the year 
of our Lord One thousand, seven hundred and sev- 
enty-four — 17Y4. 

Waener Mifflin. (Seal) 

Sealed & delivered in 

the presence of 
Joseph Jenkins. 
Daniel Mifflin. 
James Staer. 

Record Examined. Waknee Mifflin. 

Manumission 1st. 

Slaves manumitted herein 5. 



DEED OF MANUAnSSION, EXECUTED BY WAENEE MIFFLIN, 
OF CHESTNUT GEOVE, CAMDEN, DELAWARE.^ 

I, Waenee Mifflin, of Kent County on Delaware, 
Merchant, fully persuaded in my Conscience that it is 
a Sin of a deep dye to make Slaves of my fellow Crea- 
tures, or to Continue them in Slavery, and believing 
it to be impossible to Obtain that Peace my Soul De- 
sires while my Hands are found full of injustice, as 
by unjustly detaining in Bondage, those that have as 
just and Equitable Right to their Freedom and lib- 

^ Recorded Monthly Meeting of Duck Creek, Book for Manu- 
missions, pages 2 and 3. From the original MS. in the possession 
of his Granddaughter, Elizabeth (Johns Neall) Gay, of Staten 
Island, New York. 






»y, ^V/7y oe/t'uctr7^ iJ t<. o^ct^/irj' 













\\:nii('i- Minlin's Doed of ^raminiission, ITTo. 
[over J 






■ <--'.^... ^^!J) £. ^. w.,.^ ^x«/„y -/♦^P/v A^Hi^i 



^^ t-r^ ^ e 



hyfa,^f/£ !^n^»/„^ ^.//>^. ..^^^,..« ^ ^^.N*y.p,^'5^>r?^-.-. ' 



X'^ 






Wnmtt Mifflin* ii3 

erty of their persons as myself. — Therefore for rem- 
edying the same I do hereby declare all the ISTegroes 
I have hereafter particularly IsTamed, Absolutely 
Free, them and their Posterity forever, from me my 
Heirs, Executors, Adms., and every of them. To witt 
Hannah, an ancient Negroe Woman, Ezekiel, a Man 
about Twenty-Five Years of Age, Beniah, a l*3'egroe 
Man about Twenty-Seven Years of Age, Paul, a 
negroe man, about Twenty Years of age, Nancy, a 
Negroe Woman about Thirty Years of age, and her 
Girl Hannah, about fourteen Years of Age, Daniel, 
her Negroe boy about Ten years of age, her Girl 
Jenny, about Five years of age, girl Nanny, about 
Three years of age, Boy Abram, about ten months 
old; Negroe Grace, a woman about Twenty-Seven 
years of age, her Girl Betty, about thirteen years of 
Age, Henny, her Girl about Eleven years of age, her 
boy Richard about Seven Years and Nine months old. 
Girl Rebecca, about Three years old ; hereby Impow- 
ering them and Each of them with Full and Free 
Liberty to commence suit in Law against me, my 
Heirs, Executors, Administrators or any of us that 
may attempt to enthrawl imbondage or deprive of 
their liberty in any respect by Colour or Pretence of 
Right derived from me, and I do hereby convey to 
them and each of them all the Right Power and 
Authority I have heretofore had to commence an 
Action against any person that had heretofore got 
one of them out of my possession and refused the De- 
8 



114 Life anD ancemp of 

livery Back again; each, one to stand in the place for 
him or herseK that I have had to stand for them in 
behalf of my Own Interest in the same case, when 
they shall be entitled to recover all such costs as they 
may be at in prosecuting the Suit from such of us as 
may attempt as aforesaid. And I do hereby also lay 
it as a Charge on the Consciences of the Court or 
Jury before whom it may be brought that they 
particularly adhere to this evidence in behalf 
of the aff'd. N^egroes; But believing it to be my 
Duty to take upon myself the power and authority of 
the young ones to Raise and Educate them till they 
arrive to lawful age, do therefore reserve that Pre- 
rogative over the Male till they arrive to Twenty-one 
Years of Age, and the Female till they arrive to Eigh- 
teen Years of Age, which I do hereby direct to be 
determined by the Ages of Each as particularly men- 
tioned afforesaid, calling them the very age this day 
that they are said to be about such an age. And 
whereas a Negroe man named Solomon just came to 
me (upwards of forty years of age) being left by my 
Grand-Mother, Mary Mifflin, to serve which of her 
Grand-children he pleased and by letter just received 
from my Father, Daniel Mifflin, one of the Executors 
in her Will named informing me, he the said Negroe 
Solomon made choice of me. I do also therefore 
hereby declare said Kegroe Solomon Absolutely Free 
from me and my Heirs forever and do entitle him to 
all and every the privileges of the others on an At- 



matntt Mifflin* iis 

tempt to deprive him as afforesaid, and whereas I 
have heretofore Manmnised and set free my ISTegroe 
man James, ISTegroe woman Meriah, and her children 
lidia and N'anj and also Negroe girl Melisa, which 
Manumission or Clearance I deposited in the Keeping 
of the Monthly Meeting of the People called Quakers 
of Duckcreek in this County which I apprehend will 
be admitted to record by direction of said Meeting 
together with this, Now we desire is that this being 
Produced or a copy hereof Certify'd by the Clerk for 
the time being to said Meeting or in case there should 
be no Monthly Meeting of and for Duckcreek, Certi- 
fied copy from the Clerk of the Quarterly Meeting 
(of said People called Quakers) to which Duckcreek 
Monthly Meeting last belonged certifying that such 
record appeared, shall be adjudged, taken and ac- 
cepted as full as I can enforce it, as if I were person- 
ally present and acknowledged the whole thereof, and 
such I desire that may have anything of the kind 
before them that they may particularly attend to and 
distribute justice impartially to the poor Negroes 
(and not wrest the meaning thereof) the consequence 
be to them that do otherways, my intention being to 
clear them from Slavery, to me, my Heirs, or Assigns 
forever, — believing Freedom to be their Natural and 
just right. To which I do hereunto set my hand and 
affix my Seal this Ninth Day of the First Month in 



116 Life and ancegttp of 

the Year of our Lord, One Thousand Seven Hundred 
Seventy & Five, 1775. 

(Sgd.) Warnee Mifflin (Seal) 

Sealed and acknowledged 
in presence of us — 

(Sgd) Joseph Jenkins 
" Edward Cole. 



The Deed of Manumission made by Warner Mif- 
flin Merchant of Kent County on Delaware on ninth 
day of flrst Month Seventeen hundred and seventy- 
five whereby he manumitted sixteen Slaves is re- 
corded in Book of Manumissions according to direc- 
tion of Duck Creek Meeting on pages 2 and 3. 

There is an explanatory note on margin of page 3 
regarding negro Man Solomon manumitted by said 
Deed as follows. — 

The reason of my Grandmothers not freeing this negro 
herself was that she was informed she could not do it because 
of the Laws of Virginia where she lived, it being a concern to 
her for several years, but I believe was somewhat relieved 
with the prospect she had that it would be accomplished by 
her descendants; she therefore mentioned none of them in her 
Will except two men, allowing them to make choice of such 
of her Grand-Children they pleased; this one choosing me 
and the other my brother Daniel, were both immediately set 
to their Liberty, and likewise a woman and children before set 
at liberty in Maryland, confirmed by Will since all are freed 
by my Father, Daniel Mifflin. 



matntt ^imin. iir 

The 3 following Manumissions ^ were executed by a 
Friend living within the confines of Virginia, in 
which Place there being no monthly Meeting of 
Friends settled to him contiguous, his Manumis- 
sions are therefore admitted to Record here as 
deemed a Member Resident of this Mo. Meet- 
ing. 

To all whom this may come Know ye that I, 
Daniel Mifflin of Accomack County in the Colony 
of Virginia, Farmer, being convinced of the 
Iniquity and Injustice of retaining my Fellow 
Creatures in Bondage (it being contrary to the 
standing and perpetual Command injoined by 
our blessed Lord to his followers, to do unto 
others as we would they should do by us) and 
also further believing that after such Manifesta- 
tion and Conviction made known, the continuing in 
Violation thereof will incur his displeasure, and debar 
me from the Enjoyment of the Peace promised to his 
faithful Followers, and therefore believing it to be 
my Indispensable Duty, in Obedience to his Requir- 
ing and Command as afsd., to grant to them their 
natural, just and inherent right and Privilege, the 
Liberty of their Persons (which they are Intituled to 
by Nature) imder the Consideration and Conviction 
afsd,, I do hereby manumit and set absolutely free 

^ Book of Manumissions, p. 34. 



118 Life and ^ncestrp of 

from a State of Slavery and unnatural Bondage the 
following particularly named Negroes, to wit: James 
a young man nineteen years of age, Charity, woman 
born the 22d Day 7 Mo. 1758 and her child Hannah 
in the first Month 1775, the children of Negro woman 
named Sofiah, to wit, * Hannah, a girl born in the 
2d Mo. 1763, Boy Ben born in the 4th Mo. 1766, Girl 
Rhoda in the Spring (born) of 1763; Girl Betty bom 

in Spring 1769; Boy Fisher born Boy 

*]S[ed born Girl Peggy, born , 

the children of negro Woman Phebe, to wit. Boy 
Sam born the twenty-eight Day of 11th Mo. 1769; 
Boy Jacob born in the 10th Mo. 1771; and the child 
of Rachel negro woman, named Nanny born in the 
3d Mo. 1775; the children of negro woman named 
Esther, to witt. Girl Rhoda born the 23d Day of 7th 
Mo. 1758; and Boy Ben born in the 12th Mo. 1760; 
the children of negro woman named Patience, to witt, 
Tabitha a girl bom the 7th Day of 7th Mo. 1763; 
Girl Rebecca, bom the 18th Day of 4th Mo. 1765, 
and has 14 sons and two daughters. Boy Jonathan 
born in the 12th Mo. 1769; Boy Abel born the 20th 
Day of 10th Mo. 1773; and Boy Stephen bom the 
first Day of the first Month, 1775. The children of 
negTo woman named Jude, to witt, Boy York born in 
the 5th Mo. 1760; Girl Esther bom in the 12th Mo. 
1769; Boy Moses born the 29th Day of the eight 
Month, 1772; Girl Leah bom in the 10th Month 
1774; the children of negro woman called Dublin- 



Earner Mifflin* ii9 

Leah, to witt, Girl Betty born the 23d Day of the 7th 

Mo. 1765; Girl Patience born , Jude 

born in the 7th Mo. 1769; Girl Candis, born in the 

7th month 1771; and Girl Rachel born ; 

the children of negro woman named Peggy, to witt, 
Barbary, Girl born the nineteenth Day of the 4th 
Month, 1763; Girl Judith born the 8th Day of the 
4th Mo. 1764; Boy Andrew born the 21st Day of 3d 
Month, 1766; Girl Peggy born in the first Month, 

1763; Boy George born Boy Arthur 

born on or about the 27th of 12 Mo. 1772; and Boy 

Jacob born ; the children of Negro, 

woman called Polly, to witt. Girl Dinah born in ye 
first Month, 1765. Boy Levin bom in ye 7th Mo. 
1770, and Boy Beniah born ; the chil- 
dren of negro woman named Binah, to witt. Girl 
Nanny born the 10th Day of the 1st Month, 1756; 
Girl Comfort born the 5th Day of the 8th Month, 
1762; Boy Daniel born the 13th Day of 4th Mo. 
1760; Girl Scarborough born in the eight Month 
1764; Boy Robert born the 19th of the 3d Month, 

1766; Girl Sal born ; Boy Littleton, 

born and Boy Abraham bom on or about 

the 28th day of 12th Mo. 1770; the children of negro 
woman named Leah, to witt, Betty girl born the 1st 
Mo. 1760; Boy Abram born the 16th Day of 1st 
Mo. 1763; Girl Sabra, born the 1st Day of 7th Mo. 
1765 and Boy Sampson born in the Spring, 1769 
and Boy Isaac born ; the children of 



120 Life and ancesttp of 

woman named Sarah, to witt, Boy Daniel bom 
the ; Girl Thamar born 

So that they shall from henceforth be deemed ad- 
judged and taken and as, and for free people, that is 
to say, ' the male, to witt, Ben, Fisher, Ned, Sam, 
Jacob, Ben, Jonathan, Abel, Stephen, York, Moses, 
Andrew, George, Arthur, Jacob, Levin, Beniah, 
Daniel, Robert, Littleton, Abraham, Abram, Samp- 
son, Isaac, Daniel, and James, when they arrive to 
the age of twenty-one years ; and the female, to witt, 
Hannah, Rhoda, Betty, Peggy, ISTanny, Rhoda, Char- 
ity, Hannah, Tabitha, Rebecca, Esther, Leah, Betty, 
Patience, Jude, Candis, Rachel, Barbara, Judith, 
Peggy, Dinah, l!^anny. Comfort, Scarborough, Sal, 
Betty, Sabra, and Thamar when they arrive to the 
age of eighteen years; then to be at their own Dis- 
posal and at Liberty to act for themselves, and shall 
be deemed adjudged and taken as, and for free Men 
and Women without the Lett Hindrance or Molesta- 
tion of me or any Person or Persons whatsoever, and 
to be at full and free Liberty to appear for them- 
selves and each in their own proper names, as free 
Men and Women to vindicate their Liberty against 
any Person or Persons that may attempt to deprive 
them of the same And I do hereby also lay it as a 
charge on my children that none of them attempt by 
Colour of Right authorized by any unjust law, usage 
or Custom that may tolerate them in such attempt, 
to deprive them of their Liberty as aforesaid ; my In- 



m^tntt 9^ifUin. 121 

tention being hereby to set them in the full enjoy- 
ment of Freedom believing it to be their just Right 
assigned them by the Supreme Creator of all, in com- 
mon with the rest of Mankind: hereby also laying it 
as a charge on the consciences of the Courts or Jurys 
before whom this may be brought that they particu- 
larly attend to this Evidence in Favour of the poor 
]Sregroes equitable Liberty; and also to consider the 
Consequence when Day of final Reckoning overtakes 
them, if they wrongfully oppress their fellow-men, — 
In Witness whereof I do hereonto set my Hand and 
affix my Seal this eight Day of the fourth Month in 
the year of our Lord One thousand, seven hundred 
and seventy-five — 1775 



Daniel Mifflin. (Seal) 



Witness present hereonto: 
Warner Mifflin 
Baptist Lay 
Walker Mifflin 



I do hereby certify that I 
do fully approbate my Hus- 
band's executing the foregoing 
Manumission for the Freedom 
of the l^egroes therein named. 
Witness my Hand: 

Ann Mifflin. 



122 Mtt and ^ntmtv of 

The foregoing and following Manumissions were delivered 
into my possession by my Father, Daniel Mifflin in order to re- 
cord which is now done and examined by Wabnee Mifflin. 

Manumission 53. Slaves Manumitted 54. But as one, viz: 
Abram child of Leah, is already recorded as Manumitted by 
D. Mifflin, Jr. p. 31, this No. is 53. 

Those marked with an Asterisk, thus (*), refer to Copy of 
Indenture (recorded Worcester County, Maryland). Page of 
this Book 39. 



Manumission 54th.^ 
Slaves Manumitted 38. 

To all whom this may come Know Ye that I, 
Daniel Mifflin of Accomack County in the Colony of 
Virginia, Farmer, being fully convinced of the In- 
iquity and Injustice of detaining my fellow Creatures 
in Bondage (it being contrary to the standing and per- 
petual Command enjoined by our blessed Lord to his 
followers, to do unto, others as we would they should 
do unto us) and also further believing that after such 
Manifestation and Conviction made known, the con- 
tinuing in open violation thereof will incur his Dis- 
pleasure and prevent his Peace promised to his faith- 
ful Followers being handed fourth to me. Therefore 
believing it to be my indispensable Duty in Obedience 
to his Requirings and Commands as aforesaid, to grant 
unto them their natural and just and inherent Right 
and Privilege, which they entituled unto by Nature, 
under the Consideration and Conviction aforesaid, I 
do hereby declare all the Negroes hereafter particu- 
larly named absolutely free, to Avitt, Nanny, Jude, 

' Deed of Manumissions Book, p. 37. 



COarner ^imin. 123 

Hannah, Peter and Will antient l^egroes; Binah, 
Ben, Jude, Esther, James, George and Charity judged 
at 50 years and upwards, Barbary, Moll, upwards of 
40 years of age, Sarah, Peggy, James (called Kent) 
Ladock and George (called Stealphone) and Polly 
aged thirty years and upwards; Woman called Dub- 
lin Leah, aged about twenty-nine years; Eachael, 
Woman aged about thirty, Man Ned, Joshua, and 
Woman Phebe upwards of twenty-one, Mmrod, Man 
under thirty years of age; Jeoram a man aged near 
thirty-seven years; Thamar, a woman aged near thir- 
ty-five years; Leah woman aged upwards of thirty-two 
years; Patience woman aged upwards of thirty years; 
Jude, woman aged thirty years about, * Sophia woman 
aged near thirty years; Man called Gilbert aged 
twenty-eight years; Perry, a man aged upwards of 
twenty-five years; Lydia woman aged about twenty- 
four years; Man named John upwards of twenty-one 
years; Woman called Isabella aged about twenty 
years; woman named Sarah Daughter of negro Esther 
aged about nineteen years; so that henceforth they 
the aforesaid negroes, every and each of them shall be 
deemed, adjudged and taken as and for free Men and 
Woman to all Interests and Purposes mthout the 
Lett Hindrance or Molestation of me my heirs, Ex- 
ecutors, or any other Person or Persons whatsoever; 
but that they be at their own Disposal and at Liberty 
to act for themselves as free Men and Woman and at 
full and free Liberty as free Men and Women each in 



124 £ife ant! ancestrp of 

their own proper ISTames to vindicate their natural and 
just right, the Liberty of their Persons against any 
Person or Persons that may attempt to deprive them 
of the same in any Respect whatsoever. And I do 
hereby lay it as a charge on my Children that none of 
them attempt (by Colour of any unjust Law, Usuage 
or Custom that may tolerate them in such attempt) to 
deprive them of their Liberty as aforesaid : my Inten- 
tion being hereby to set them in the Enjoyment of 
their Preedom, believing it is their Right assigned 
them by the Supreme Creator of all, in common with 
the Rest of Mankind ; hereby also laying it as a charge 
on the Consciences of the Courts or Jurys before 
whom this may be brought, that they particularly at- 
tend to this evidence in favour of the poor ISTegroes' 
equitable Liberty; and also to consider the Conse- 
quence, when a Day of final Reckoning overtakes 
them, if they wrongfully oppress their fellow Men. 
And further I do direct that the following named 
ISTegroes, having spent the Prime of their Time in m;^ 
service, and I do hereby promise and engage for 
them, that they may be entituled to a Maintainance 
when needed from my Estate, to witt, JSTanny, Binah, 
Ben, Jude, (Dublin) Jude, Hannah, Esther, Peter, 
Will, George, James, Charity, Moll, Barbary and 

Sarah 

In Witness whereonto I have set my Hand and 
affixed my Seal this eight Day of the fourth Month 



Wnmtt 9^imin, 125 

in the year of our Lord, One thousand, seven hundred 
and seventy-five — 1Y75. 

Daniel Mifflin. (Seal) 
Witness present hereunto : 
Waenee Mifflin. 
Baptist Lay. 
Walker Mifflin. 

I do hereby signify my full 
and entire approbation to my 
Husbands executing the fore- 
going Manumission for the 
freeing the Negroes therein 
particularly named. 
Witness my Hand. 

Ann Mifflin. 
Kecord Examined. Warner Mifflin. 



1771. 



Copy of an Indenture ^ made and executed by Daniel ^■^- ^he with- 
in named Girl 

Mifflin Senior and Junior, for Freedom of Slaves Mary Biake 

Born in the 4th 

according to an Act Of Assembly of Maryland, mo. i769 & 

T) 1 1 r^ c -rrr Hannah Blake 

Kecorded Court of Worcester and acknowledged Bom 4 mo. 
before IN'ehemiah Holland. 
This Indenture made this sixteenth Day of January 
Anno Domini One thousand seven hundred and sev- 

NoTE. — Those marked in this Manumission thus * refer to 
the Copy of Indenture, recorded Worcester Court Maryland, 
and Page of this Book 39. 

^ Deed of Manumission Book, p. 39. 



126 



Life anD ance0ttp of 



Manumission 
55. 

Slaves manu- 
mitted 16 but 
9 of tliem be- 
ing included & 
numbered in 
the two forego- 
ing Manumis- 
sions, this 
therefore is 
numbered 7 
those marked 
thus (*) are the 
9 alluded to. 



iDaniel Mifflin 
Senior in pre- 
ceding Manu- 
missions said to 
be of Accomack 
County, Vir- 
ginia, here of 
Worcester 
County, Mary- 
land, is because 
the Major Part 
of his Posses- 
sions are in 
Maryland, 
though he resi- 
dent of Virgin- 
ia. Said 

Slaves also 
acquired and 
resided in 
Worcester. 



entj six, between ^ Daniel Mifflin, Senior & Daniel 
Mifflin, Junior of ^ Worcester County of the one 
Part ; and Negroes, Frank alias Frank Allen, * James 
called Lent, James & * Sophia his Wife with their 
children, to witt, * Hannah, * Ben, * Rhoda, * Betty, 
■^ Fisher, * Ned & * Peggy; and Betty Blake with 
her children, to witt, Susey Blake, John Blake, Com- 
fort Blake born in ye 12 Mo. 1764, Mary Blake & 
Hannah Blake, they and every of them being under 
the age of fifty years, of the other Part, Witnesseth 
that the said Daniel Mifflin Senior and Daniel Mifflin 
Junior for and in consideration of the justice due 
them from us the faithful service of the above said 
Negroes and the good behaviour in general, and being 
desirous that the said Negroes should be manumitted 
and forever set free from Slavery, reserving to our- 
selves the Guardianship and Possession of the Youth 
until the male young ones arrive to the age of twenty- 
one and the female young ones an'ive to the age of 
eighteen years, after which we have manumitted, set 
free and forever discharged & by these presents do 
manumit, set free and forever discharge the said 
Negroes and their Issue from the said Daniel Mifflin 
Senior and Daniel Mifflin Junior. Heirs and Assigns 
and the said Daniel Mifflin Senior & Junior do cove- 
nant and agree to and \vith the said Negroes and their 
Heirs, that they are by these presents forever manu- 
mitted and set free ; and that We the said Daniel Mif- 
flin Senior & Junior, our Heirs, Executors or Admin- 



mamtt 93imin. 127 

istrators hath not nor shall have any Right, Title, In- 
terest, Claim, or Demand of, in or unto the said 
Negroes more than above reserved, or either of them 
or their or either of their Heirs. In Testimony 
whereof the said Daniel Mifflin Senior & Junior to 
these presents their Hands have put and Seals affixed 
the Day and Year above written or mentioned, 

Daniel Mifflin, Senr. (Seal) 
Daniel Mifflin, Junr. (Seal) 

Sealed and delivered 
in the presence of us: 
Nehemiah Holland. 
John Allen. 



Maryland Worcester County ss.^ 

Be it Remembered that on the Day of the year 
within written came Daniel Mifflin, Senior & Junior 
before me the Subscriber, his Lordship's Justice of 
the Peace for Worcester County, and acknowledged 
the within writing to be their Act & Deed, and the 
Kegroes therein mentioned and their issue to be for- 
ever manumitted and freed according to the Act of 
Assembly in such cases made and provided &c. 

Acknowledged before Nehemiah Holland. 
Record Examined. Warner Mifflin. 

' Deed of Manumissions, page 39. 



128 mamtt ^ittlin* 

I, Daniel Mifflin of Kent County on Delaware, 
Merchant, do hereby manumit and set absolutely free 
my negro Boy named Abram, born the 16th Day of 
the 1st Month, 1763; so that henceforth he shaU be 
deemed adjudged and as, and for a free Person as 
fully as though he was free born, and to remain with 
me as an apprentice till he shall arrive to lawful age, 
viz. twenty-one years, then to be at his own disposal 
and at liberty to act for himself as a free Man with- 
out the Lett Hindrance or Molestation of Me or any 
Person or Persons claiming by, from or under Me 
forever. In Witness whereof I do hereonto set my 
Hand and affix my Seal this fourth Day of the sev- 
enth Month in the year of our Lord, One thousand, 

seven hundred and seventy-seven — 1777 

Daniel Mifflin. (Seal) 

Witness present to the 

acknowledgment whereof 

Warner Mifflin. 
Joseph Jenkins. 

Record, Examined, Warner Mifflin. 

Manumission 47th. 
Slave manumitted 1. 



^ Book of Manumissions, page 31. 



EXTRACTS FROM CECIL MONTHLY MEET- 
mG EELATIl^G TO JOSEPH WARNER. 

7 mo. 1725. Joseph Warner came before this 
Meeting and requested a certificate to signify his 
clearness from all women here on ye account of mar- 
riage &c. In order thereunto ye Meeting appoints 
Geo. Dunkan and Saml. Smith to make Inspection as 
aforesaid, and also into his conversation and as they 
see Convenient, prepare a certificate for him to be 
directed to ye monthly meeting of friends in Talbot 
County, wch. certificate to be offered to ye considera- 
tion of ye next monthly meeting. 

9 mo. 1725. The Reading & Signing of Joseph 
Warner's Certificate is Deferred till next Monthlj^ 
Meeting. 

10 mo. 1725. Joseph Warner's certificate was 
Read and Signed at this Meeting, according to the 
Reference of the Last Monthly Meeting. 

1 mo. 172(3. Joseph Warner and George Dunkan 
appointed to deal with James Kellee, (on account of 
his taking undue Liberties before Marriage) and to 
bring his answer to the next Monthly Meeting and to 
desire him to be there also. 

129 



MAKKIAGE CERTIFICATE OF JOSEPH AND 
ANN (COALE) WAENER. 

Whereas Joseph. Warner of Kent County in the 
Province of Maryland and Ann Coale of Talbott 
County and Province aforesd. have Declared their 
Intentions of Marriage with each other before sev- 
eral Monthly Meetings of the People called Quakers 
in Talbott County affd. according to the Good Order 
used amongst them, whose Proceedings therein after 
Deliberate Consideration Thereof was approved by 
the said Meetings, they appearing clear of all others. 

Now these are to Certifie all whom it May Con- 
cern that for the full accomplishment of their sd. 
Marriage this sixth day of the Eleventh Month, in 
the year of our Lord one Thousand seven hundred 
and twenty-five, they the Sd. Joseph Warner and Ann 
Coale appeared in a Publick Meeting of the afore- 
said People for the Worship of Almighty God, at 
their Meeting House at Choptank in Talbott Co. 
aforesd. and the Sd. Joseph Warner taking the Sd. 
Ann Coale by the hand, did in Solemn Manner Pub- 
Hckly Declare that he took the Sd. Ann Coale to be 
his wife. Promising with the Lord's Assistance to be 
unto her a true and loving husband, untill it should 
Please the Lord by Death to Part them, and then and 
there in the Sd. assembly the Sd. Ann Coale Did in 
Like Manner Publickly Declare that she took the 

130 



Wmntt ^iUiin. 



131 



Sd. Joseph Warner to be her husband, Promising 
with the Lord's Assistance to be unto him a loving 
and faithful wife, untill it should Please the Lord by 
Death to Separate them; and they the Sd. Joseph 
Warner and Ann Coale, She according to the Custom 
of Marriage assuming the name of her husband, as a 
further Confirmation thereof, Did then and there to 
these Prests Sett their hand, and wee whose names 
are hereunto subjoined being present at the Sollemn- 
izing of the Sd. Marriage and Subscription have as 
witnesses here to these Presnts Sett our hand, the 
day and year above written. 

Joseph Warner 

Ann Warner 



Kachel Harrison 
Rebecca Dickinson 
Susa Howell 
Robert Dickinson, Jr. 
Sary Webb, Jr. 
Mary Webb 
Magda Stephens 
Hannah Dickenson 
Eliza Troth, Jr. 
Judith Dickenson 
Sarah Webb 
Sarah Powell 
Peter Sharp 
Henry Troth 
Wm. Edmonson 



Danl. Powel 
Howel Powel 
Phillip Kennard 
Jno. Dickenson 
Saml. Dickenson 
Sollomon Edmonson 
Solom Birkhead 
John Garshick 
John Stephens 
John Powell 
Wm. Sharp 
Christo. Birckhead 
Danl. Powell, Jr. 
Walter Dickenson 
Benj. Laura nee 



MARRIAGE CERTIFICATE OF DAISTIEL AND 
MARY (WARNER) MIFFLIN/ 

Whereas Daniel MiiSin of Accomack County in 
the Colony of Virginia and Mary Warner of Kent 
Co. aforesaid, having Intention of taking each other 
in Marriage Declared their said Intentions before 
Severall Monthly Meetings of the People Called 
Quakers in Kent County aforesaid, Whose proceed- 
ings therein, after Deliberate Consideration and Con- 
sent of parents and parties thereby Concerned, were 
approved of by the said meetings: and for the full 
accomplishment of Said Marriage the said Daniel 
Mifflin and Mary Warner, on the 15th Day of the 
Ninth Month in the year 1744 appeared in a publick 
assembly of the said people and others in Cecil Meet- 
ing House, Kent Co. aforesaid, where after some 
time of solitidy and waiting upon the Lord the said 
Daniel Mifflin standing up, and haveing the said 
Mary Warner by the hand. Did openly Declare as 
follows : Friends, in the presence of God you are my 
witnesses that I take this my friend Mary Warner 
to be my wife, promising through God's assistance to 
be unto her a Loving and Faithful Husband, untill it 
shall please the Lord to separate us, (or in words to 
the same purpose) and then and there in like manner 
she, the said Mary Warner Did also openly Declare : 
friends, in the presence of God you are my witnesses 

^ From Minutes of Cecil Monthly Meeting. 
132 



mamtx ^iWiin. 



133 



that I take this my friend Daniel Mifflin to be my 
husband, promising through God's assistance to be 
unto him a Loving and Faitliful Wife, until it shall 
please the Lord by Death to separate us, (or in words 
to the same purpose) and the Said Daniel Mifflin 
and Mary Warner (she according to the Custom of 
Marriage assuming the name of her husband) as a 
farther confirmation thereof Did then and there here- 
unto sett their hands, and we whose names are here- 
unto subscribed being present amongst others at the 
solemnizing their said Marriage and subscription 
aforesaid, as Witnesses have hereunto subscribed our 
names the Day and Year above written 

Daniel Mifflin 



Thos. Bowers 
Dowd. Thompson 
Hannah Bodien 
Hannah Bartlett 
Mary Hosier 
Margaret Rasin 
Andrew Peiree 
Jabez Jenkins 
John Crew 
Henry Trulock 
Thos. Wilks 
Miehl Corse 
Mary Corse 
Isaac Corse 
Mattarris 
Nancy Dickinson 
Rebecca Thomas 
James Wilson 
Mary Jones 
Griffith Jones 
Howel Buckinham 
Sarah Kennard, Sr. 
Phebe Needham 



Mary Warner 

George Duncan 
David Hull 
Henry Bodien 
George Wilson 
Jacob Johns 
Benj. Richardson 
Morgan Brown^, Jr. 
Joshua Lamb 
Ann Richardson 
Thos. Richardson 
Samuel Mifflin 
Geo. Rasin 
Joseph Warner 
Mary Rasin 
Wm. Rasin 
Daniel Nock 
Joseph Maxfield 
Wm. Dickenson 
Sarah Wilson 
Elizabeth Stevens 
Sarah Powell 
Abraham Rasin 



MARRIAGE CERTIFICATE OF DANIEL AND 
ANN (WALKER) MIFFLIN/ 

Whereas Daniel Mifflin of Accomack County in 
the Colony of Virginia, Farmer, and Ann Walker of 
the same place having declared their Intentions of 
Marriage with each other before several Monthly 
Meetings of the People called Quakers in Kent 
County in the Province of Pennsylvania, according 
to the good order used among them, whose proceed- 
ings therein after a deliberate consideration thereof 
and having Consents of Parents and Parties con- 
cerned nothing appearing to obstruct were approved 
of by the said Meetings. Now these are to certify 
whom it may concern that for the full accomplishing 
their said Intention this Seventeenth Day of the 
Tenth Month in the Year of our Lord, One Thou- 
sand, seven hundred and fifty-seven they the said 
Daniel Mifflin and Ann Walker appeared in a Public 
Meeting of the said People and others at Little 
Creek Meeting House in the aforesaid County, and 
the said Daniel taking the said Ann by the hand Did 
in a Solemn Manner Openly Declare that he took her 
to be his Wife Promising through Divine Assistance 
to be Lmto her a faithful and loving husband until 
the Lord is pleased by Death to separate them or 
words of like importance and then and there in the 
^ From Minutes of Duck Creek Meeting, page 109. 
134 



Watntt Qiifflin* 



135 



said Assembly the said Ann Did in like manner 
Declare that she took the said Daniel to be her Hus- 
band, Promising through the Lord's assistance to be 
unto him a faithful and loving Wife until the Lord 
is pleased by Death to separate them, and moreover 
the said Daniel and Ann, she according to the Cus- 
tom of Marriage assuming the surname of her Hus- 
band, as a further confirmation thereof Did then and 
there to these Presents sett their hands and we whose 
names are hereunder subscribed being among others 
present at the solemnization of their said Marriage 
and subscription. 

In manner aforesaid as Witnesses thereunto here 
also to these Presents set our hands the Day and 
Year above written. 



Ezekiel Cowgill 
Timothy Hanson 
Samuel Spavold 
Benjamin Bavist 
Isaac Howell 
Jonathan Ozburn 
Samuel Hanson 
Hezekiah Rowle 
Solomon Truett 
Finwick Fisher 
Daniel Wilson 
Thos. Lightfoot, Jr. 



Daniel Mifflin, 
Ann Mifflin. 



Sarah Nock 
Ruth Wilson 
Hannah Jenkins 
Elizabeth Daniel 
Grace Fisher 
Sarah Clayton 
Mary Hammon 
Eunice Ozburn 
Jane Farson 
Sarah Nock, Jr. 



Warner Mifflin 
Ezekiel Nock 
Patience Wilson 
Thos. Wilson 
Ralph Brock 
Zecah Ferris 
William Farson 



MAERIAGE CERTIFICATE OF DANIEL 
NEALL AND SARAH MIFFLIN. 

Whereas Daniel Neall of the town of Milford 
in the Coiuity of Kent and State of Delaware, Son of 
Jonathan Neall, late of Kent County in the State 
aforesaid and Sarah his wife, deceased, and Sarah 
Mifflin, daughter of Warner Mifflin, late of the 
County and State aforesaid, and Elizabeth his wife, 
deceased, having declared their intentions of mar- 
riage with each other before a Monthly Meeting of 
the Religious Society of Friends held at Nurderkill, 
according to the order used among them their said 
proposal of marriage was allowed of by the said Meet- 
ing. Now these are to certify whom it may con- 
cern that for the full accomplishment of their said in- 
tentions this Twenty-first day of the Third month 
in the year of our Lord One thousand eight hundred 
and ten they the said Daniel Neall and Sarah 
Mifflin appeared in a public meeting of the said peo- 
ple, held at Nurderkill aforesaid and the said Daniel 
Neall taking the said Sarah Mifflin by the hand 
did on this solemn occasion declare that he took her 
the said Sarah Mifflin to be his wife promising with 
divine assistance to be unto her a loving and faithful 
Husband until death should separate them, and then 
in the same assembly the said Sarah Mifflin did in 
like manner declare that she took him the said 

136 



Watmt Mifflin* 



137 



Daniel Neall to be her Husband promising with 
divine assistance to be unto him a loving and faithful 
wife until death should separate them. And more- 
over they the said Daniel JSTeall and Sarah Mifflin 
(she according to the custom of marriage assuming 
the name of her Husband) did as a further confirma- 
tion thereof then and there to these presents, set their 
hands. 

And we whose names are also hereunto subscribed 
being present at the solemnization of the said mar- 
riage and subscription, have as witnesses thereunto 
set our hands the day and year above written. 

(Sgd.) Daniel ISTeall 
" Sarah M. II^eall 



Sarah Dolby 
Lydia LuflF 
Ann Brady 
Susanah Edmondson 
Elizabeth Hardeastle 
Ezek. Hunn 
Signature indistinct 
Philip Hardeastle 
Michael Lowles 
James Hand 
Timy. Hanson 
Thomas Nock 
Sarah Clayton 
Nathaniel Coombe 
Signature indistinct 
Rachel Sharpies 
Jonathan Jenkins 
Joseph G. Rowland 



John Dolby 
William Dolby 
Thomas Newlin 
Thomas Jenkins 
Batchelder Chance 
Edward Needles 
Isaiah Rowland 
Ruth Rowland 
Eliza Newlin 
John George 
Thomas Berry 
(?) Wainwright 
Raehael Atkinson 
Susan Dolby 
Elizabeth Needles 
Liydia Barratt 
Eliza Barratt 
Jonathan Neall 



Mary H. Mifflin 
Clayton Cowgill 
John Cowgilt, Jr. 
Eliza M. Rasin 
Lemuel Mifflin 
Ann H. Mifflin 
Ann Mifflin 
Saml. Mifflin 
Danl. Mifflin, Jr. 
Jona. W. Mifflin 
Warner Mifflin 
Sarah Ann Mifflin 
Debby Mifflin 
Ann George 
Elizabeth Howell 
Patience Hunn 
Jona. Hunn 



EXTRACTS FROM THE MINUTES OF DUCK 

CREEK, LITTLE CREEK AND MUR- 

THERKILL MEETINGS. 

FKOM MINUTES OF DUCK CREEK MEETING. 

26th. 3 Mo. 1768. Murtherkill Preparative Meeting brought a com- 
co^^Iined ^° plaint here against Warner Mifflin for accomplish- 
against. jj^o; his marriage by the assistance of a Priest with one 

(p. 206) ^ . 

of the same profession, Wherefore Thomas Hanson 
and Thomas Willson are appointed to visit him on the 
occasion, and report their sense of the disposition 
they find him in to our next. 

27th. 3 Mo. 1768. Wamcr Mifflin appeared here and offered a paper 
Acknowledgment condemning his outgoing in Marriage which is left 

offered. ^ o & & 

(p. 210) with friends for further consideration. Elizabeth the 

Wife of the above Warner Mifflin also appeared and 
offered a paper condemning her outgoing in Marriage 
which is likewise left under the consideration of 
friends. 

24th. 6 Mo. 1769. Wamcr Mifflin and Wife appeared here and their 

Acknowledgment . .ii •iiii-i i 

accepted. casc Dcing rcvivcd and considered and their acknowl- 

edgments read, are accepted as satisfaction as long as 
their future conduct shall correspond with the Rules 
of our Discipline. Jonathan Neal is appointed to pub- 
lish them at the close of a first day's Meeting at Mur- 
therkill they being present, and return them to our 
next. 

138 



(p. 216) 



m^mtt ^imin. 139 

FROM MINUTES OF MEETING AT LITTLE CEEEK^ 27tH OF 

5th MO. 1775. (p. 258.) 
Murtlierkill Preparative Meeting proposes Warner wamer Miflain 
Mifflin and John Bowers as Elders for that Meeting. ZIT^ '" 
Jacob Janney and John Cowgill are therefore ap- 
pointed to take an opportunity and treat with them 
and report their sense of their ability and qualifica- 
tions for that weighty service to our next Meeting. 

FKOM minutes OF MEETING AT DUCK CREEK 24tH OF 6 

MO. 1775. (p. 260.) 
The friends appointed to visit those proposed for vvamer Mifflin 
Elders by Murtherldll Meeting report that they have co7c^:ed''^:L 
done accordingly and give it as their sense that they 
(to witt) Warner Mifflin and John Bowers may be 
admitted to the station proposed with which this 
Meeting agrees and directs that a copy of this Minute 
be sent to the next Quarterly Meeting of Ministers 
and Elders to be held at London Grove in Chester 
County for their Concurrence therein and they to 
attend the same. 

FROM MINUTES OF MEETING HELD AT DUCK CREEK THE 

22nd of 6th MONTH, 1776. (p. 269.) 
The former Clerk of this Meeting (to witt) Fin- 
wick Fisher having expressed at this time as well as 

' The first monthly meeting was held at Little Creek, 3 mo. 
17, 1714, at Richard Richardson's. The last monthly meetino' 
was held 6 mo. 13, 1804. 



140 



Life anD ance$trp of 



Warner Mifflin 

appointed 

Clerk, 

22d 6 Mo. 1776. 



heretofore advised of being released from that ser- 
vice which this Meeting taking under consideration 
(he having served in that Station a considerable 
time). It appearing to be the sense of said Meeting 
that a change in this respect may be an Improvement 
to Individuals as well as advantage to the Meeting in 
General agrees thereto and nominates and appoints 
Warner Mifflin in his stead as Clerk till further 
order, and also appoints John Dickinson as an assist- 
ant to said Clerk. 



Warner Mifflin 
appointed 
to record 
Deeds of 
Manumission 
22nd 3 Mo. 1777. 



FROM MINUTES OF MEETING THE 22nD OF 3 MO. 1777. 

(p. 278.—) 

Warner Mifflin the present Clerk of this Meeting is 
appointed to record the Manimiissions that has been 
or may be executed for the freedom of negroes or 
others that have been held in a state of slavery to be 
recorded in a Book for that purpose provided and to 
report when ready. 



Report of 

Committee 

Warner Mifflin 

et al. 

Case of Slaves. 

26th of 4 Mo. 

1777. 



FROM MINUTES OF MONTHLY MEETING HELD AT DUCK 
CKEEK THE 26tH OF THE 4tH MONTH, 1777. (P. 278.) 

The Committee appointed in the case of slaves now 
report in writing as follows, (to mtt) 

We the Committee continued in the case of slaves 
have to report that we have not yet united in 
a general visit to them that hold them of late, 
yet may inform that we have been attentive to 



mnxntx Mifflin* i4i 

some cases that have come before us, and now 
report that Jonathan Hunn with the consent and 
approbation of his Wife, Alexander McKay, 
with the consent of his Wife, whose names and 
circumstances of their cases were heretofore 
returned to this Meeting and entered on Minutes 
thereof all of whom have executed Manumissions for 
the discharging the whole of their i^^egroes from a 
State of Slavery, and Likewise that the freedom of 
eleven more have been secured since last Meeting 
and we have hope of continued openness that are yet 
behind in that respect. 



FROM MimjTES OF DUCK CREEK MEETING HELD AT LITTLE 

CREEK 19th of the 9th mo. 1778. (p. 294.) 

We the Committee appointed by Duck Creek Report of 
Monthly Meeting to labour for the Spiritual and w™"Mifflin 
Temporal good of such !N^egroes as have been released et ai. 

f -, .1., f • T -\r appointed to 

irom a state oi slavery withm the verge oi said Meet- visit Free 
ing now report that after our appointment we all met ^^^°^^ 
together with the following named friends of the 
Quarters Committee in same case (viz.) Warner Mif- 
flin, William Jackson, Junr., William Wilson, Isaac 
Jackson, Rebeckah Chambers, Esther Hoops, Ann 
Holiday, Philenia Lay, and Mary Seston and several 
opportunities being had, something so distressing 
attended the minds of friends that it was apparent 
that obstructions lay in our way of proceeding in the 



14:2 Life anD ance$ttp of 

service, and caused a narrow search in the minds of 
Friends for the cause and after Meeting several times 
in solid conference on the weight and importance of 
the subject, a general freedom appeared in the Com- 
mittee to express wherein they apprehended they 
might in their conduct afford cause for the distress 
now felt and as most of this Committee who were 
Members of this Meeting had more or less been con- 
cerned in the Oppression of this People, some having 
many years back sold negroes that were yet living 
and in a state of slavery; some having released of 
them at an advanced age and made no Restitution; 
some by the conduct of Predecessors, holding Estates 
which appeared to have been in part gathered 
through oppression ; and the great neglect of this Peo- 
ple Christian and School Education Reviving with 
concern Friends minds were impressed with a sense 
that Justice had not enough been attended to; but as 
this freedom rose in the minds of the Committee to 
express themselves on those several Heads and their 
willingness yet to do Justice to this much Injured 
People, what in their power, way appeared to open 
with a degree of clearness to proceed to have Meet- 
ings with them; and accordingly we appointed Meet- 
ings for such as were contiguous at the Meeting 
Houses of Duck Creek, Little Creek, Murtherkill, 
Three Tuns and Cool Spring and agreeable thereto 
had a meeting with (as was supposed) about forty of 
them at Duck Creek on the third dav of the 28th of 



Earner Mifflin* 143 

the fourth Month last, the day following at Little 
Creek with near seventy of them, the next day at 
Murtherkill where there were supposed to be an hun- 
dred; next day at Three Tuns with near forty; the 
day following at Cool Spring with upwards of twenty, 
after which John Cowgill, Ezekiel Cowgill and Eliza- 
beth Bowman accompanied five of the Quarterly 
Meetings Committee down to the family of our 
Friend Daniel Mifflin in Virginia and appointed a 
Meeting at his House for such as he had released 
from a state of slavery and at the time appointed 
about fifty assembled, the day following being the 
day the said family holds a Meeting for Worship. 
The Blacks residing on this Friends mansion Planta- 
tion were generally collected; after proceeded to 
visit them at their several places of abode; which took 
us the time till seventh day after noon when they 
concluded to stay Meeting with the Family on first 
day, and the said negroes being generally acquainted 
thereof attended with some others that were in a 
state of slavery to amount of near One Hundred, 
together with a number of our said Friends, Neigh- 
bors who were slave holders where the nature of this 
errand (they believed was opened to advantage) and 
on their return homeward had an opportunity by the 
Roadside with two Negro men, set at Liberty by the 
aforesaid Friends who resided some considerable dis- 
tance from him: During which time of sitting with 
the two last mentioned Negroes came up and sat with 



144 Life anD ance^ttp of 

them the Negro Master who expressed his satisfac- 
tion with their proceedings and acknowledged to the 
truths of which he heard delivered. Since which time 
a part of each Committee have united and had an 
opportunity with the few within the verge of Georges 
Creek Meeting. 

And throughout it was satisfactory to observe 
them so cheerfully disposed to attend and appearing 
glad of Friends company and there were among them 
who appeared Solid in their countenances and to be 
exercised in spirit and we may say in a degree of 
Reverent thankfuUness that we felt the extendings 
of Divine regard towards this People and ability was 
afforded us in a measure to open to them the way of 
life and Salvation and to explain to them the Funda- 
mentals of the Christian faith and also to warn and 
caution them against pursuing a course of Vice and 
Immorality since which time our Friends, William 
Jackson, Rebeckah Chambers from drawings in a 
degree of Gospel Love have been concerned to visit 
those People within the verge of this Meeting in their 
respective families, in which service some of our 
niuQiber accompanied them (being those mostly of 
Duck Creek, Little Creek and Murtherkill) of which 
service we may have in the future more fully to 
report. 

Signed on behalf of the Committee. 

By EZEKIEL COWGILL. 



COarner Mifflin* 145 

FROM MINUTES OF MEETING AT DUCK CEEEK 22 OF IST 

MO. 1780. (p. 312.) 
Warner Mfflin informs that he hath some draw- wamer Mifflin's 

concern 

ings in his mind to attend the Quarterly Meetings of to visit 
Philadelphia and Chester some Monthly Meetings Chester! 
which may fall in his way as also to sit with the Com- 
mittees for Reformation of some of said Meetings; 
with whose concern this meeting concurring the clerk 
is directed to furnish him with a transcript of this 
minute in order thereto. 



FEOM MINUTES OF MEETING AT LITTLE CEEEK 28tH DAY 

OF 10 MO. 1780. (p. 324.) 
Our friend Wamer Mifflin lays before this Meeting wamer Mifflin 
a concern he hath felt to accompany his mind to Quarterly 
attend the next Quarterly Meeting of Bucks as also *^^^«°^ ^"""^ 
in prospect the Monthly Meetings which may fall in 
his way and the clerk directed to furnish him with a 
copy hereof. 

FEOM MINUTES OF DUCK CEEEK, 27tH OF IST MO. 

1781. (p. 328.) 

The case of Free Negroes being now considered ^^^^^^^^ 
and this Mtg. as before thinking a fresh nomination et ai. 
therein may be fruitful of advantage to the concern, appointed in 
dissolves the former Committee, and now appoints 
John and Ezekiel Cowgill, Israel and John Allston, 
Warner and Daniel Mifflin, Jabez Jenkins (Son of 
10 



case of Free 
Negroes 



146 



Mtt and ancestrp of 



Timothy) and Daniel Heaverlon, to take the same 
under their solid attention and care and proceed 
therein as best wisdom may direct. 



Warner Mifflin 
to visit 
Long & Rhode 
Islands. 



FEOM MINUTES OF MEETING AT LITTLE CEEEK 24rTH OF 

3rd mo. 1781. (p. 332.) 

Our friend Warner Mifflin having expressed at our 
last some Drawings in his Mind to attend the ensuing 
Yearly Meetings of Long and Rhode Islands and 
some Meetings of Discipline within their verges 
as also of the Jersies and other Services as 
his way might open thereto, in company with 
some friends in his Prospect having like con- 
cern, and he being now absent at the Gen- 
eral Spring Meeting in Philadelphia, revives the 
same to this Meeting by a few lines left with a friend 
for that purpose informing us of the continuation 
thereof. Wherefore this Meeting on deliberate Con- 
sideration thereof concurs with him in his said con- 
cern and directs the clerk to furnish him with a copy 
of this Minute previous to his procedure thereunto. 



Warner Mifflin 
returns 
from visit 
Eastward. 



FROM MINUTES OF MEETING AT DUCK CREEK 25tH DAY 

OF TE 5th mo. 1781. (p. 343.) 

Our friend Warner Mifflin having now returned to 
us from his religious visit to friends eastward returns 
the Certificate given him on that occasion with two 
Indorsements thereon, viz. One from the Yearly 



Meeting at Westbury for Long Island dated the 1st 

Day of the Sixth Month, 1781. And one from the 

Quarterly Meeting held at Falmouth from ye 30th 
of the 6 Mo. till 1st of 7th Mo. 1781. As also four 

more separate Certificates, viz. 

One from the Yearly Meeting at Smithfield for New 
England dated 13th of 6th Mo. 1781. One from the 
Monthly Meeting at ISTantucket by Adjournment — 
ye 26th of 6th Mo. 1781. One from a Monthly Meet- 
ing held at Dartmouth in ]^. England ye 27th of 6 
Mo. 1781. One from a Quarterly Meeting at Green- 
wich for Rhode Island ye 12th & 13th of 7 Mo. 1781. 
Each and every of the above Meetings except that of 
Long Island are within the verge of Smithfield 
Yearly Meeting for the Providence of 'New England. 
Which Certificates all set forth that his Labours of 
Love in the Discipline of the Church were satisfac- 
tory and acceptable, which affords Comfort to us. 

FROM MINUTES OF ISIEETING AT DUCK CREEK 23rD OF 

3 MO. 1782. (p. 357.) 
Our esteemed Warner Mifflin laid before this wamer Mifflin-s 

concern 

Meeting a concern which he hath some time felt to to visit 
accompany his mind to visit Friends at their ensuing 
Yearly Meeting in Virginia as also to attend some 
other Meetings & Services as way may open there- 
about: which being considered, we have good Unity 
vsdth him therein, he being an Elder in near esteem 



Virginia. 



148 



Life and ancestrp of 



Warner Mifflin 
returns 
from visit to 
Virginia. 



amongst us. The clerk is therefore directed to fur- 
nish him with a transcript of this Minute previous 
to his proceeding thereto. 

FROM MINUTES OF MEETING AT LITTLE CREEK 27tH DAY 

OF YE 7th mo. 1782. (p. 360.) 
Our friend Warner Mifflin having fulfilled his 
Prospect in his visit to Virginia agreeable to a Min- 
ute of this Meeting given him on that occasion where- 
in he expresses he found Peace and Satisfaction in his 
own mind, now returns said Minute with an Indorse- 
ment thereon from the Yearly Meeting at Black- 
water dated as there held from ye 18th to 21st of the 
5th Mo. last which signifies their unity and good ac- 
ceptance of his Company and Service which is satis- 
factory to us. 

from minutes of meeting at little creek 2 2d of 7 
mo. 1786. (p. 414.) 
Elizabeth ^ papcr containius" some of the expressions of our 

Mifflin Wife of i . i • m • i i i • 

Warner esteemed friena Elizabeth Mifflin dec'd during her 

ro^ntTitJng'^ last illness was read in tliis Meeting tending we trust 
some of her last to the rcviviug of the puTC mind in us and an Incite- 

expressions. ic'ipitj <• 

ment to a more diligent and faithful discharge oi our 
several duties the further consideration of which is 
left with Ezekiel Cowgill, Robert IloUiday and 
Joseph Jenkins who are to report of their sense 
whether its contents be sent to the Quarterly Meet- 
ing as our Memorial of her. 



m^tmt Q^itflin* 149 

FROM MINUTES OF MEETING AT DUCK CREEK 28tH OF 4tH 

MO. 1787. (p. 425.) 
Our friend Warner Mifflin expressing to this Meet- wamer Miflain's 

, . . concern 

ing that he hath felt drawings m his mind to attend to visit 
the ensuing Yearly Meeting of Friends in Virginia '^'■"S''^'^- 
if way open which this Meeting having Unity with 
leaves him at liberty to attend thereto he being an 
Elder in Good esteem among us and directs the Clerk 
to furnish him with a copy of this Minute. 

FROM MINUTES MEETING AT DUCK CREEK 25tH OF 8 

MO. 1787. (p. 431.) 
Our friend Warner Mifflin expressing to this Meet- Earner Mifflin's 

" ^ , concern 

ing as well as heretofore that he hath felt drawings in to visit 
his mind to attend the ensuing Yearly Meeting of °^ ^° 
Friends in North Carolina and some other Meetings 
for Discipline as way may open to and from thence: 
there appearing a near sympathy in the minds of 
Friends and concurrence with him in his concern; 
Wherefore Ezekiel Cowgill, Joseph Jenkins and 
Samuel Howell are appointed to prepare a Certificate 
for him and produce it at our next. 

FROM MINUTES MEETING AT LITTLE CREEK 22d OF OtH 

MO. 1787. (p. 432.) 
A certificate is now produced for our friend certificate to 

^ Warner Mifflin 

Warner Mifflin as directed which being read is ap- to visit 
proved and signed by Isaiah Rowland clerk at this 
time and divers other friends. 



150 



Life anD ^ncestrp of 



Warner Mifflin 
returns from 
North Carolina. 



FROM MINUTES MEETING AT LITTLE CREEK 22 OF 12tH 

MO. 1787. (p. 435.) 

Our friend Warner Mifflin now returns our Cer- 
tificate heretofore given him on his concern to visit 
friends of the Yearly Meeting held at Center for 
North Carolina &c. with an indorsement from that 
Meeting expressing that his Company and Labours 
of Love in the several sittings thereof were truly ac- 
ceptable. Also produced a minute from the Quar- 
terly Meeting of Cane Creek belonging to the afore- 
said Yearly Meeting certifying their Unity and con- 
currence with his service therein which is satisfactory 
to this Meeting. 



FROM MINUTES DUCK CREEK MEETING 22d OF 12 MO. 

1787. (p. 436.) 

Our friend Warner Mifflin now lays before this 
to visit Yearly Meeting a rcligious Draught which hath for some 
time with weight attended his mind to visit our 
Brethren at their ensuing Yearly Meeting in Lon- 
don which being solidly deliberated on is left for 
more mature Consideration till our next. 



Warner Mifflin' 
concern 



Meeting 
in London. 



do. do. 



FROM MINUTES DUCK CREEK 26tH OF IST MO. 1788. 
(p. 437.) 

The concern of our friend Warner Mifflin being 
revived and weightly considered by this Meeting it 
appears to be the prevailing sense of friends that the 



Warner MifBin's 
concern 



Wamtt ^iftlim isi 

subject be yet left for further deliberation till our 
next. 

mOM MINUTES OF LITTLE CEEEK 23d OF THE 2d. MO. 

1788. (p. 438.) 

The concern of our friend Warner Mifflin coming 
again under our consideration it appears most easy to visit Yearly 
to the minds of friends that it be yet continued for in London, 
further consideration recommending a serious and 
weighty attention to the pointing of truth in his mind 
in the ripening up or the further procedure of his 
concern. 

FEOM MINUTES OF DUCK CREEK MEETING 26tH DAY OF 

4th MO. 1788. (p. 441.) 

The concern of our friend Warner Mifflin again do. do. 
claiming the attention of this Meeting it is agreed to 
name John Cowgill, Robert Holliday, Ezekiel Cow- 
gill, William Corbit, Israel Corbit, John Bowers and 
Baptis Lay to weightly consider and feel with the 
friend in his concern in the ability which may be 
afforded and report their sense and prospect thereof 
to our next. 

FROM MINUTES OF LITTLE CREEK MEETING, 24tH OF 5tH 

MO. 1788. (p. 443.) 

Four of the friends appointed in the concern of our wamer Miftoi'i 
friend Warner Mifflin report they have had a solid ^jgit London, 
opportunity with him in which they feel unity in his 



152 



Life anD ance0trp of 



prospect and concern, after weighty deliberation 
thereon, this meeting concurs with their report but 
as there appears some matters necessary to be done 
previous to his further procedure the same friends 
are continued to give the needful assistance therein 
and when accomplished are desired to report to this 
meeting. 



Warner Mifflin's 
concern to 
visit London. 



FflOM MINUTES OF LITTLE CREEK, 26tH OF 7 MO. 1788. 
(p. 445.) 

The friends appointed in Warner Mifflin's case 
report that six of them have had an opportunity with 
him since our last but are not yet prepared to make a 
final report or produce a Certificate, they are there- 
fore continued to pay the further needful attention 
thereto and desired to report when ready. 



Anne Mifflin 

(Wife of 

Warner) 

Certificate 

from 

Philadelphia. 



FKOM MONTHLY MEETING OF WOMEN FRIENDS HELD AT 
MURTHERKILL IOtH OF IsT MO. 1789. (p. 3.) 

Anne Mifflin Wife of Warner Mifflin produced a 
Certificate from the Monthly Meeting of Friends 
held in Philadelphia the 28th of the 11th Month, 
1788, recommending her to our care which was read 
and received. 



matntt Mifflin* 153 

FKOM KECOKDS MURTHERKILN MONTHLY MEETING 9tH OF 

4 MO. 1793.' (p. 84.) 
Our friend Warner Mifflin now expressed that his wamer mfflm-i 

. Till /• • • 1 • 1 concern to 

mind hath been tor some time past impressed with visit Indians. 
a religious concern to visit the Indian natives, at the 
treaty which is expected will be held by the United 
States with that People. And this concern increasing 
with such weight that he believed it most consistent 
with his peace of mind to spread it in this manner for 
our solid consideration; and if upon weighing the 
matter we can unite with his prospect so far as to 
concur therewith it will be strengthening to him. 
Upon mature deliberation Friends generally ex- 
pressed their approbation and unity with his concern 
and John Bowers Isaiah Rowland and Jona Hann 
are appointed to prepare a certificate for him and 
produce it to our adjourned Meeting which is now 
agreed shall meet at the close of the meeting for Wor- 
ship on First Day next. 

FIRST DAY NEXT, 4 MO. 14tH, 1793. (p. 85.) 

An essay of a Certificate was now produced for wamer Mifflin 
Warner Mifflin as directed which being read and con- above stated 
sidered is approved and agreed to be signed by p"'"p<^*<'- 

^ Motherkill Meeting was set off from Duck Creek in 1788. 
In 1828 the meeting for worship was discontinued. In 1830 
the Monthly Meeting was joined to that of Duck Creek, and 
the name changed to Camden Monthly Meeting. — From Mieh- 
ener's "Retrospect of Early Quakerism," pp. 113-115. 



154 Life anD attce0trp of 

Friends generally, who are present and handed to 
the Friend to proceed with in his freedom as truth 
may open the way according to good order. 

FROM EECORDS MONTHLY MEETING, MURTHERKILN 13tH 

OF 5 MO. 1794. (p. 100.) 

Daniel OuT friend Daniel ]\iifflin the younger opened in 

MfuSs^'* *^is Meeting a prospect which had for some time 
to attend rested with him to accompany our esteemed friend 

Yearly Meetings _ , ^, „ -r, -, . v • • -a. 4. 

New York & John Simpson oi Fennsyivama on a religious visit to 
Rhode Island. -^^^ York and Rhode Island Yearly Meetings and 
as far as the concern of said friend may extend which 
being weightly considered was united with and he 
encouraged therein, this Meeting desiring his preser- 
vation under the weight of the concern, the clerk is 
directed to furnish him with a copy of this minute 
for that purpose. 

FROM RECORDS OF MONTHLY MEETING AT MURTHERKILN 

15 OF 7 MO. 1794. (p. 103.) 

Daniel Our friend Daniel Mifflin the younger has now 

feturasfrom returned the Minutes given him in the 5th Month 
above visit. ^gg^.^ ^j^]^ ^^q Indorsements, viz: One from the 
Yearly Meeting of Rhode Island, the other from the 
Yearly Meeting of New York, both expressing that 
his company was truly acceptable, and he also in- 
formed the Meeting that he had gone through the 
visit as Companion to John Simpson, as far as said 



Wnxntt Mifflin* 155 

friend saw his way much to the satisfaction of his 
own mind. 

MOKTHLT MEETING AT MUKTHEEKILL, IOtH DAY OF 5 MO. 

1796. (p. 133.) 
Our friend Warner Mifflin mentioned to this Meet- '^^™" Mifflin's 

concern to 

ing a concern which had for some time accompanied visit Yearly 
his mind to attend the approaching Yearly Meeting New^YOTk. 
to be held at New York which being considered the 
Meeting unites in leaving him at liberty to proceed as 
way may open he being an Elder in good Esteem. 
The Clerk is directed to furnish him a copy of this 
Minute. 

FEOM MINUTES MONTHLY MEETING AT MUETHEEKILL 11 

OF 7th, 1797. (p. 153.) 
Our friend Warner Mifflin informed this Meeting ^™t'^M'''' 
of a prospect which he had of attending the next Minute to 
Quarterly Meeting at Phila., Abington, Chester and Quarterly 
other Western Quarters which being considered he is p^^^^^^ ^* 
left at liberty to proceed as way may open, being an AWngton and 

othsr Western. 

Elder in Good Esteem the Clerk is directed to furnish Quarters. 
him with a copy of this Minute. 

FEOM EECOEDS OF MONTHLY MEETING AT MUETHEEKILL 

12th, 2 MO. 1799. (p. 182.) 

The consideration of placing Daniel Mifflin in the Daniel Mifflin 
Station of an Elder as proposed at our last, and a g^^"^*^*^ 
unity with the proposition being expressed he is ac- 



156 QUatnet Q^iftlin* 

cordingly placed in that Station, and the Clk. is di- 
rected to furnish him with a copy of this Minute and 
sign it on behalf of this Meeting in order for his at- 
tendance at the Meeting of Ministers and Elders. 



EXTEACTS FROM CERTIFICATE BOOK, 
MURTHERKILL MEETING. 

To Friends of Baltimore Monthly Meeting, (p. 17.) certificate to 

•^ o VI / jij^j,y Mifflin to 

Signed in and on behalf of our Monthly Meeting hehaif of her 

of Murtherkill held the 13th of the 6th Mo. 1797. "''"'■"' '^"^"' 



Jonathan Hann, Clerk. 
Patience Hann, Clerk. (minors) 



Samuel and 

Susanna 

Husband. 



To Friends Baltimore Monthly Meeting. (p. 18.) certificate to 

Mary Mifflin 

Signed in and on behalf Murtherkill Monthly (Minister) 
Meeting the 11th of 7th Mo. 1797. 

Jonathan Hann, Clerk. 

Patience Hann, Clerk. 

To Monthly Meeting at Philada. (p. 27.) certificate to 

Moving to reside for some time in Philada. 
Given 15 Day of 7 Mo. 1800. 

Israel Gorse, , 
Etre Mifflin, 

To the Monthly Meeting of Philada. (p. .39.) certificate to 

Recommend Samuel Emlen and Lemuel, minor ^'*"'"«i ^'"i^'i 

' & Lemuel 

child" of Warner Mifflin deceased, who some time minor children 
since removed with their Mother to reside within Mifflin'dec'd. 
your limits. 

Signed &c. 12 Day of 2 Mo. 1807. 

Thos. Beery, Clerk. 
1.57 



COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO VISIT HOWE 
AND WASHINGTON.^ 

James Thornton on behalf of the Com^^ on the 
Epistles &c report that a weighty consideration hath 
been before them respecting some friends going bv 
appointment of this Meeting on a visit to William 
Howe General of the British Army and to George 
Washington General of the American Army and to 
take with them the Testimony yesterday approved 
by this Meeting, in which visits or opportunities they 
are to endeavor to lay before said Generals or any of 
their Officers, or other People the Reason of publish- 
ing that testimony — And also further remonstrate on 
the behalf of our banished Friends, or proceed in 
other respects on behalf of Truth and our religious 
Society as best Wisdom may dictate, and make way 
for them. 

The subject being now weightily attended to & 
the sentiments of many friends expressed in appro- 
bation of such a concern & visit the meeting nom- 
inates for this purpose William Brown, James Thorn- 
ton, Nicholas Wain, Warner Mifflin, Joshua Morris 
& Samuel Emlen who are to make report to the meet- 
ing for Sufferings when they have performed the ser- 
vice. 

' Records Yearly Meeting of Friends for Pennsylvania and 
New Jersey, 29th of 9tli month to 4th day of 10th month, 1777, 
p. 382. 

158 



Earner Qiifflin* 159 

Nicholas Wain on behalf of the Committee in- 
formed the Meeting they considered the proposal of 
adding a further paragraph to the Epistle, but seemed 
most easy to omit it. This Meeting directs that 4000 
copies of said Epistle or Testimony should be printed 
as soon as may be and in such manner as may be 
likely to best answer the end intended by it and 200 
more to be printed in the German Language. 



A testimony given forth from our Yearly Meeting 
held at Philada. for Pennsylvania & N^ew Jersey 
by adjournments from the 29 of the 9th Mo to 
the 4th of the 10th Mo 1777: 
A number of our Friends having been imprisoned 
and banished unheard from their families under a 
charge and Insinuation that " they have in their Gen- 
eral Conduct and conversation evidenced a disposition 
inimical to the cause of America," and from some 
publications intimating " that there is a strong rea- 
son to apprehend that these persons maintain a cor- 
respondence highly prejudicial to the Public Safety," 
may induce a belief, that we have in our Conduct de- 
parted from the Peacable Principles which we pro- 
fess, and apprehending, that the Minds of some may 
thereby be misled, for the clearing of Truth, we think 
it necessary, publickly to declare, that we are led out. 
of all wars & fightings by the Principle of Grace and 
Truth, in our own Minds, by which we are restrained 



160 Life anD ancemp of 

either as private Members of Society, or in any of our 
Meetings, from holding a correspondence with either 
Army, but are concerned to spread the Testimony of 
Truth, & the peacable Doctrines of Christ, to seek 
the Good of all — to keep a consience void of offence 
towards God and Man — to promote the Kingdom of 
the Messiah which we pray may come, and be experi- 
enced in Individuals, in Kingdoms & Nations that 
they may beat their swords into plowshares & their 
spears into Pruning Hooks, & nation not lift up 
sword against Nation, neither learn war any more. — ■ 
Isaiah 2 — 4. And we deny in General Terms all 
charges & Insinuations which in any degree clash 
with this our Profession. 

As to a nameless paper lately published said to be 
dated at Spank Town Yearly Meeting and found 
among the baggage on Staten Island, every Person 
who is acquainted with our stile may be convinced it 
was never wrote at any of our Meetings or by any of 
our Friends. Besides there is no Meeting throughout 
our whole Society of that ISTame nor was that letter 
or any one like it, ever wrote in any of our Meetings 
since we were a People. We therefore solemny deny 
the said Letter & wish that those who have assumed 
a ficticious character to write under whether with a 
view to injure us, or cover themselves, might find it 
their place to clear us of this charge by stating the 
Truth." 

As from the knowledge we have of our banished 



Wmmt ^iftljn* lei 

Friends and the best Information we have been able 
to obtain, we are convinced they have done nothing 
to forfeit their just right to Liberty, we fervently de- 
sire that all those who had any Hand in sending them 
into banishment might weightily consider the Tend- 
ency of their own Conduct and how contrary it is to 
the Doctrines & Example of our Lord & Law Giver 
Jesus Christ, — and do them that Justice which their 
case requires by restoring them to their afflicted fam- 
ilies & friends. And this we are well assured will 
conduce more to their Peace than keeping them in 
exile — We give forth this admonition in the fear of 
God, not only with a view to the Eelief of our 
Friends but also to the real Interest of those con- 
cerned in their Banishment. 

Having been favored to meet to transact the af- 
fairs of our Religious Society, which relate to the 
Promotion of the cause of Truth & Righteousness we 
have felt a renewed concern for the Good & Happi- 
ness of Mankind in General, and in the Love of the 
Gospel have issued forth this Testimony for the clear- 
ing ourselves & our friends & the warning of those 
who have from groundless suspicions and mistaken 
notions concerning us, may be persuaded seek our 
Hurt, to the wounding their own souls & the Loss 
of the Community. 

Signed by Order & on behaH of the Yearly Meet- 
ing. 

Isaac Jackson, Clerk. 
11 



EEPOET OF COMMITTEE APPOINTED TO 
VISIT HOWE AND WASHINGTON/ 

The Committee appointed last year to visit the 
Generals of the two contending armies made the fol- 
lowing Keport of their proceeding in and performing 
that service, which was read to our satisfaction : 

We the Com*"^ apptd by the last Yearly Meeting 
to visit the Generals of the two contending Armies 
on the second day of the week following our 
said Mtg proceeded to General Howes Head Quar- 
ters near Germantown, and had a seasonable op- 
portunity of a conference with him and delivered 
him one of the Testimonies issued by the Yearly 
Meeting and then proceeded -on our way to 
General Washington's camp, at which we arrived 
the next day without meeting with any interruption 
and being conducted to Head Quarters, where the 
principal officers were assembled in Council, after 
waiting some time we were admitted and had a very 
free opportunity of clearing the Society from some 
aspersions which had been invidiously raised against 
them and distributed a number of the testimonies 
amongst the officers, who received & read them & 
made no objections. We were much favored & mer- 
cifully helped with the seasoning Virtue of Truth & 

^ From Record of Yearly Meeting for Pennsylvania and New 
Jersey, 26th of 9th Mo., 1778, p. 414. 

162 



m^tntt Mifflin* les 

the presence of the Master was very sensibly felt who 
made way for us beyond expectation, it being a criti- 
cal & dangerous season. We may further add that 
we were kindly entertained by Gen'l Washington 
& his officers but lest on our return we should be ex- 
amined as to our intelligence we were desired to go to 
Pottsgrove for a few days within which time such 
alterations might take place as to render our return 
less exceptionable to them, where we accordingly 
sent under the guard or care of a single officer & 
hospitably entertained by Thomas Rutter a very kind 
man & other of our Friends; in this town we had 
some good service for truth. Two of the Committee 
were discharged on 6th day after noon, & the other 
four on seventh day, having been detained between 
three & four days. Two of the friends upon coming 
within the English Lines then near Vanderin's Mill 
were stopped and questioned respecting intelligence 
about the Americans, which they declining to give, 
they were sent under a Guard to the Hessian Colonel 
who commanded at that post, & he proposed several 
questions respecting the American Army, which the 
Friends declining to answer he grew very angry 
rough & uncivil, using some harsh reflecting lan- 
guage, & ordered a Guard to conduct them to the 
Hessian General Kniphausen, who appeared more 
friendly, but he not understanding the English Lan- 
guage sent them under the conduct of a light horse- 
man or Trooper to General Howes Headquarters at 



164 matntt Mifflin* 

Germantown, but upon the two Friends informing 
one of his aid du Camps who they were they were dis- 
missed without being further interrogated so that no 
kind of intelligence was obtained from them, nor 
any departure from the Language of the testimony 
they had delivered; we believe the Lords Hand was 
in it in guarding us from improper compliances & 
bringing us through this weighty service though it 
was a time of close humbling baptism. 

As to the charge respecting the Intelligence said 
to have been given from Spank Town Yearly 
Meeting we believe Genl Washington & all the 
officers then present, being a pretty many, were 
fully satisfied as to friends clearness & we hope 
& believe thro' the Lords Blessing the opportun- 
ity we had was useful many ways there having 
been great openness & many observations upon 
various subjects to edification & tending to re- 
move & clear up some prejudices which had been 
imbibed. 

Saml Emlen Jr. Wm. Brown 

Joshua Morris James Thornton 

Warner Mifflin Nicholas Wain 

Phila 1st 10th Mo 1YY8 



EEPOET OF COMMITTEE ON EEFOR- 
MATIOK' 

At Monthlj^ Meeting 24 day 1st Month 1778, Com- 
mittee appointed to labour for Reformation report in 
writing as follows. 

We the Committee appointed by this Meeting 
(together with Warner Mifflin of the Yearly Meeting 
Committee) to labour to carry forward a Reforma- 
tion, now report that after the said appointment we all 
met, and taking into consideration the weight and 
importance of the service, and also apprehending that 
time called for Diligence herein, we found a concern 
to visit each other at our respective places of abode 
in order to strengthen another herein and remove 
such things amongst ourselves as might obstruct our 
way and be likely to retard our service, wherein we 
found satisfaction, and an open willingness prevailed 
amongst us to put away such things as we believed 
Truth's testimony was against, and in thus proceed- 
ing we were favored with unexpected openings re- 
specting our service, and also finding our minds en- 
gaged to spread the concern of the body in this 
Respect, as generally as might be conveniently done; 
we have for that purpose attended all the meetings 
within the verge of this Monthly Meeting, and visited 

1 From Record Duck Creek Monthly Meeting, p. 287. 
165 



166 mntntt 9^ifUin* 

the Family of our friend Daniel Mifflin in Virginia, 
to a good degree of satisfaction to ourselves, and we 
believe some others, and we have likewise a comforta- 
ble hope that there is a reumant in most meetings 
concerned to unite in this great and necessary work; 
but on the other hand it appears lamentable that 
many remain lukewarm and indifferent even in the 
time they profess to meet in order for worship, as to 
a proper concern to perform this great & necessary 
duty, from which deficiency we believe in great meas- 
ure has proceeded the slackness of discipline and the 
want of its being exercised in the wisdom & author- 
ity of Truth, whereby many remain unconcerned 
about this necessary and incumbent Duty, of meeting 
together for that purpose who ought to have stirred 
up to more diligence therein or a testimony gone 
forth against such disorderly members which appears 
to deserve attention; we hope to stand open to a fur- 
ther labor as we may feel our minds drawn being 
encouraged from a belief that the Master of our 
Assembly owns the work 

Warner Mifflin John Bowers Susanna Cox 

William Willson Israel Allston Elisabeth Cowgill 

Isaiah Rowland Jane Smith, Junior 

Alice Fisher 

Which being read & approved the Committee 
directs the same to be entered on the minutes and 
this Committee continued for their service therein. 



ADDRESS TO CONGRESS ON SLAVERY, 
SIGNED BY 535 FRIENDS/ 

The following friends are appointed to wait on the 
Congress with the address of this Meeting now sign- 
ing, viz: Warner Mifflin, Geo. Dillwyn, James Pem- 
berton, Anthony Benezet, David Evans, David 
Cooper, Robert Kirkbride, Jno, Parrish, John Hos- 
kins, Joseph West, Benj. Clark, Daniel Byrnes, Geo. 
Bowne, EU Yarnall, Jacob Linley, who are desired 
to make Report to the Mtg. for Sufferrings of their 
performance of this service — which Meeting is de- 
sired carefully to attend to what may appear to them 
further necessary to promote the work in view: 

To THE United States in Congress Assembled. 
(The address of the People called Quakers.) 
Being through the favor of divine Providence met 
as usual at this season in our Annual Assembly we 
find with great satisfaction our well meant endeav- 
ours for the Relief of an oppressed Part of our fellow 
men have been so far blessed that those of them who 
have been held in Bondage by Members of our re- 
ligious society are generally restored to Freedom, 
their natural and just Right. 

' Records of Yearly Meeting Friends at Philadelphia for Penn- 
sylvania, New Jersey and western parts of Maryland and Vir- 
ginia, from 29th of 9th Mo. to 4th day of 10th Mo., 1783. (p. 
65.) 

167 



168 Life anD ^nttmp of 

Commiserating the afflicted state into which the 
Inhabitants of Africa are very deeply involved by 
many professors of the mild & benign doctrines of 
the Gospel, and affected with a sincere concern for 
the essential good of our Country, we conceive it our 
indispensable duty to revive in your view the lament- 
able grievance of that oppressed people, as an inter- 
esting subject evidently claiming the serious attention 
of those who are entrusted with the powers of Gov- 
ernment as Guardians of the Common Rights of 
Mankind & Advocates for Liberty. 

We have long beheld with sorrow the complicated 
Evils produced by an unrighteous commerce which, 
subjects many thousands of the human species to the 
deplorable state of Slavery. 

The Restoration of Peace and Restraint to the 
Effusion of humaxi Blood we are persuaded excite in 
the minds of many of all Christian Denominations 
Gratitude & Thankfulness to the all wise Controller 
of human events; but we have grounds to fear, that 
some forgetful of the days of distress are prompted 
by avaricious Motives to renew the Trade for Slaves 
to the African Coasts, contrary to every humane & 
righteous consideration & in opposition to the solemn 
Declarations often repeated, in favor of universal 
Liberty; thereby increasing the too general Torrent 
of Corruption and Licentiousness & laying a Founda- 
tion for future calamities. 

We therefore earnestly solicit your Christian In- 



Garnet ^imin. i69 

terposition to discourage & prevent so obvious an 
Evil in such manner as under the Influence of divine 
Wisdom jou shall see meet. 

Signed in and on behalf of our Yearly Meeting 
held in Phila. for Penna., 'New Jersey & Delaware & 
the Western parts of Md. & Va. dated the 4th day of 
the 10th Mo. 1783 by 535 Friends 



ADDRESS TO CONGRESS ON SLAVERY AND 
THE SLAVE TRAFFIC/ 

The consideration of the propriety of preparing an 
Address to the President of the United States coming 
before the Mtg. was solidly attented to and the pro- 
posal united with and the following friends are ap- 
pointed to prepare an Essay accordingly to wit, 
George Churchman, James Cresson, Warner Mifflin, 
Benjamin Mason, Joseph Tatnel, Samuel Alison, 
James Pemberton, Nicholas Wain, Joshua Pusey, 
Henry Drinker, Samuel Emlen, Joseph West, Wil- 
liam Savery, Joseph Potts, John Simson, Jacob Lind- 
ley, Thomas Morris, John Drinker, & Abraham Gib- 
bons, who agree to meet this Evening at half past 
seven at the fourth. Street Meeting House. 

To THE Pkestdent, Senate and House of Represen- 
tatives OF THE United States 

(The Address of tJie People called Quakers in their annual 
Assembly convened.) 

Firmly believing that where oppression and vio- 
lence is publickly advocated by those entrusted with 
National authority as Guardians of the Common 
rights of Humanity, however specious and spirited 

^ From Eecord of Yearly Meeting of Friends for Pennsyl- 
vania, New Jersey, Delaware and the western parts of Mary- 
land and Virginia, held in Philadelphia from the 28th day of 
the 9th Month, 1789, to 3d day of 10th Month, inclusive, p. 155. 

170 



mntmt ^itflin* i7i 

their professions of attachment to the cause of lib- 
erty and the general wellbeing of the People over 
whom they preside, the exercise of their power must 
be partial & unavailing to the important end & aim 
of their Trust; Unfeigned righteousness in public 
as well as private Stations is the only sure ground of 
Hope for the divine Blessing, whence alone Rulers 
can derive true Honour, establish sincere Confidence, 
in the Hearts of the People, and feeling their minds 
animated with the ennobling Principle of universal 
goodwill to Men, find a conscious Dignity and Felic- 
ity, in the Harmony and Success attending the exer- 
cise of a solid imiform Virtue, short of which the 
warmest pretensions to public spirit Zeal for our 
Country and the rights of Men, are fallacious and 
illusive. 

Under this Persuasion of Professors of Faith in 
that ever-blessed all-perfect Lawgiver, whose Injunc- 
tion remains of undiminished Obligation on all who 
profess to believe in him, '' Whatsoever ye would 
that Men should do unto you do ye even so unto 
them." We apprehend ourselves religiously bound 
to request your serious Christian attention to the 
deeply interesting subject whereon our religious 
Society in their Annual Assembly in the 10th Mo. 
1783 addressed the then Congress — who tho' the 
Christian rectitude of the Concern was by the Dele- 
gates generally acknowledged, yet not being vested 
with the Powers of Legislation, they declined pro- 



172 Life anD ^nttmv of 

moting any public remedy against the gross national 
Iniquity of trafficking in the Persons of Fellow Men, 
but divers of the legislative bodies of the different 
States on this Continent have since manifested their 
sense of the Public Detestation due to the licentious 
Wickedness of the African Trade for Slaves and the 
Inhuman Tyranny and Blood guiltiness inseparable 
from it; the debasing Influence whereof most cer- 
tainly tends to lay waste the Virtue and of course the 
Happiness of the People. 

Many are the enormities abhorrent to common 
humanity and common honesty, which under the Fed- 
eral Countenance given to this abominable Com- 
merce are practised in some of these United States, 
which we judge is not needful to particularize to a 
Body of Men chosen as eminently distinguishable for 
Wisdom and extensive information, but we find it 
indispensably incumbent on us as a religious Body, 
assuredly believing that both the true temporal In- 
terest of JSTations and external wellbeing of Indi- 
viduals depend on doing justly, loving Mercy, and 
walking humbly before God, the Creator Preserver 
& Benefactor of Men, thus to attempt to excite your 
attention to the affecting subject, earnestly desiring 
that the infinite Father of Spirits may so enrich your 
minds with his Love & Truth, and so influence your 
understandings by that pure wisdom which is full of 
mercy and good Fruits, as that a sincere and impar- 
tial Enquiry may take place, whether it be not an 



Wamtt opifflin* 173 

essential part of the Duty of yoiir exalted Station, to 
exert upright endeavors to the full extent of your 
power, to remove every obstruction to public Right- 
eousness which the influence and artifice of particu- 
lar persons governed by the narrow mistaken views 
of self Interest has occasioned, and whether notwith- 
standing such seeming Impediment it be not in real- 
ity within your power to exercise Justice and Mercy, 
which if adhered to we cannot doubt must produce 
the abolition of the Slave Trade. 

We consider the subject so essentially and exten- 
sively important as to warrant a Hope that the Lib- 
erty we now take will be understood, as it really is a 
compKance with a Sense of religious Duty, and that 
your Christian Endeavours to remove reproach from 
the land may be efficacious to sweeten the labour & 
lessen the difficulties incident to the discharge of your 
important Trust. 

Signed in & on behalf of our Yearly Meeting 
for Penna. &c, this 3rd day of 10th Mo 1789. 

Nicholas Waln" 
Clerk to the Meeting this year 



To THE President of the United States 

(The address of the religious Society called Quakers from 
their Yearly Meeting for Penna cC-c.) 

Being met in this our Annual Assembly for the 

the promotion of universal Righteousness, our Minds 

well ordering the affairs of our religious Society and 



174 JLife anD 3nce0trp oC 

have been drawn to consider that the Almighty who 
riileth in Heaven and in the Kingdoms of Men, hav- 
ing permitted a great Revolution to take place in the 
Government of this Country, we are fervently con- 
cerned that the Rulers of the People may be favored 
with the Counsel of God, the only sure means of en- 
abling them to fulfill the im]:»ortant trust committed 
to their charge, and in an especial manner that 
Divine Wisdom and Grace vouchsafed from above 
may qualify thee to fill up the Duties of the exalted 
Station to which thou art appointed. 

We are sensible thou hast obtained great place in 
the esteem & affections of the People of all Denomi- 
nations over whom thou presideth and many eminent 
talents being Committed to thy trust we much desire 
they may be fully devoted to the Lords Honor and 
Service, that thus thou mayst be an Happy Instru- 
ment in his Hand for the suppression of Vice, Infidel- 
ity and Irreligion and every species of oppression on 
the Persons or Consciences of Men, so that Righteous- 
ness & peace which truly exalt a N^ation may prevail 
throughout the land, as the only solid Foundation 
that can be laid for the Prosperity and Happiness of 
this or any Coimtry. — 

The free Toleration which the Citizens of these 
States enjoy in the Public Worship of the Almighty 
agreeable to the dictates of their Consciencies, we 
essteem among the choicest of Blessings, and as we 
desire to be filled with fervent charity for those who 



raatnet Mifflin* 175 

differ from us in Matters of Faith and Practice, be- 
lieving that the General Assembly of Saints is com- 
posed of the Sincere and upright hearted of all ISTa- 
tions Kingdoms and People, so we trust we may just- 
ly claim it from others, and in a full persuasion that 
the divine Principle we profess leads into Harmony 
and Concord we can take no Part in carrying on War 
on any occasion or under any Power, but are bound 
in Conscience to lead quiet & peacable lives in Godli- 
ness and Honesty amongst Men, contributing freely 
our proportion to the Indigencies of the Poor and to 
the necessary support of Civil Government, acknowl- 
edging those who rule well to be worthy of " double 
Honour " & if any professing with us are or have 
been of a contrary Disposition and Conduct we own 
them not therein having never been chargeable from 
our first establishment as a religious Society with 
fomenting or countenancing Tumults or Conspiracies 
or Disrespect to those who are placed in Authority 
over us. 

We wish not improperly to intrude on thy Time 
or Patience, nor is it our practice to offer adulation to 
any, but as we are a People whose Principles & Con- 
duct have been misrepresented and traduced, we take 
the liberty to assure thee that we feel our Hearts 
affectionately drawn towards thee and those in 
authority over us, with Prayers that thy Presidency 
may under the Blessings of Heaven be happy to thy- 
self & to the People, that thro' the increase of 



1T6 mamtt Mifflin* 

Morality and True Keligion Divine Providence may 
condescend to look down upon our Land with a pro- 
pitious Eye, and bless the Inhabitants with the Con- 
tinuance of Peace, the Dew of Heaven, and the fat- 
ness of the Earth, and enable us gratefully to ac- 
knowledge his Manifold mercies; and it is our earnest 
Concern that he may be pleased to grant the every 
necessary qualification to fill up thy weighty and im- 
portant Station to his Glory, so that finally when all 
Terrestial Honors shall fail and pass away thou and 
thy respectable Consort may be found worthy to re- 
ceive a Crown of unfading Righteousness in the 
Mansions of Peace and Joy forever. 

Signed in & on behalf of our said Mtg held in 
Phila by adjournment from the 28 day of 9 Mo to 
the 3 of 10 Mo. inch 1789. 

N'iCHOLAS Wa]LN 

Clerk to the Meeting this year. 



ADDRESS TO CONGRESS 01^ EXEMPTION 
EROM MILITARY DUTY/ 

28 day 9 Mo 1790. 

That part of the proposed Militia Law wHch of- 
fers exemption to such persons as conscientiously re- 
fuse to serve in the Militia, upon Condition that they 
pay the sum of Two Dollars Yearly towards defray- 
ing the expences of Civil Government, coming under 
solid & deliberate consideration, it appears to be the 
united sense & judgment of this Meeting that no 
friends can pay such Eine or Tax consistent with 
our Religious Testimony and Principle, it being 
a Fine in lieu of Personal Service — the follow- 
ing Friends are appointed to take the same and 
other parts of the said proposed Law into con- 
sideration & to prepare an address to the Gen- 
eral Congress on the occasion & to produce the 
essay to this Meeting, to wit — Abraham Gibbons, 
James Pemberton, John Evans, Eli Yarnall, Wil- 
liam Savery, Joseph Potts, George Churchman, 
Owen Biddle, Mark Miller, Benjamin Mason, War- 
ner Mifflin, John Cox. 

The Friends under appointment to prepare an ad- 
dress and Memorial to the General Congress on the 
subject of the proposed Militia Law, produced an 

^ From Records of Yearlj' Meeting of Friends for Pennsyl- 
vania, &c., held at Philadelphia by adjournment from 27th day 
of 9th Mo. to the 2d day of 10th Mo., inclusive, (p. 180.) 

177 

12 



178 Mit anD ancesttp of 

Essay accordingly, which, having been several times 
read & also considered by paragraphs is with a small 
alteration concurred with, and the Clerk is desired to 
sign it on behalf of the Meeting & the care of pre- 
senting it is recommended to the Meeting for Suffer- 
ings, it being as follows: 

To The 

President Senate and House of Representatives 

of the United States in 

Congress Assembled. 

The address & memorial of the People called Qua- 
kers convened at their Yearly Meeting for Pennsyl- 
vania New Jersey Delaware & the Eastern parts of 
Maryland & Virginia held in Philada. by adjourn- 
ments from the 27th day of the 9th Mo. to the 2 of 
10 Mo. 1790 inclusive. 

Through the continued favor of Divine Providence 
being once more permitted to assemble for the pur- 
pose of preserving circumspection of Life and decent 
order throughout our religious Society, and as far as 
Infinite Wisdom may be pleased to qualify us, to pro- 
mote an increase of Gospel Righteousness and peace 
in the Earth — In the course of our weighty Delibera- 
tions we have been informed that a Bill is published 
by direction of the House of Representatives that the 
public Sentiment may be obtained on the subject en- 
tituled — 

" A Bill more effectually to provide for the Na- 



matntt Mifflin* i79 

tional defence by establishing an uniform Militia 
througkout tlie United States," in which, altho' we 
perceive in some parts thereof appear intended for 
the relief of such who are conscientiously scrupulous 
of taking any part in War, yet we apprehend it our 
Duty to remark that if enacted into a Law will ma- 
terially affect us, and our fellow members in general 
in the free exercise of conscience, as in Section six- 
teenth, where it enacts that every person of the age 
of eighteen years and under fifty years who are ex- 
empted from personal service in the Militia by the 
Second Section of the said act (except all Ministers 
of Religion actually having charge of a Church or 
Congregation, all Principals, Professors and other 
Teachers of, together with the students in Universi- 
ties, Colleges and Academies, all School Masters act- 
ually having charge of a School and all Mariners em- 
ployed in the sea service of any Citizen or Merchant 
with the United States as aforesaid) shall pay an An- 
nual tax of Two Dollars into the public Treasury of 
the United States to be applied towards the support 
of the Civil Government thereof, &c. 

Although we cannot but gratefully acknowledge 
our obligation to the divine Author and Source of 
every Mercy and Blessing that he hath so illuminated 
the understandings of Men and disposed the Minds of 
the Rulers of this Land as to allow that degree of 
Freedom in Matters of Conscience which is already 
Enjoyed, yet duty to Almighty God revealed in the 



180 Mtt anD mttmv of 

consciences of Men and confirmed by the scriptures 
of the Old and I*^ew Testament is an invariable rule 
which should govern their judgments and actions, he 
being the only Lord & Sovereign of Conscience, as by 
him all Men are finally to be judged. 

By Conscience we mean that apprehension & per- 
suasion a man has of his duty to God, & the Liberty 
of Conscience we plead for is a free and open profes- 
sion and unmolested exercise of that Duty, Such a 
Conscience as keeps within the bounds of Morality in 
all the affairs of human Life and requires us to live 
soberly, righteously & godly in the World, on which 
depend the Peace, safety & happiness of religious and 
Civil Society, and it must be allowed on serious Re- 
flection that every deviation from such religious duty 
essentially disqualifies for that Adoration and Wor- 
ship which is incumbent on all Men to perform to the 
Supreme Being from whose Bounty all our Blessings 
are derived, and every restraint imposed or attempted 
by human Laws on the free Exercise thereof is not 
only an Infringement on the just rights of Men, but 
also an Invasion of the Prerogatives of Almighty 
God. 

Under these considerations we appretend that we 
may reasonably solicit an exemption from being sub- 
jected to Sufferings on account of our conscientious 
Scruples, but at the same time we may assure you 
many of us are more solicitous to promote the preva- 
lence of the Dominion and Government of the Prince 



Garnet ^ifHin. isi 

of peace, than to escape the sufferings we may under- 
go by the operation of such a Law, firmly believing 
that all Revenge Animosity Strife and Contention are 
utterly forbidden by Christ our Lord, as appears by 
his own Declaration — Mat. V. 38 viz: " Ye have heard 
that it has been said. An Eye for an Eye and a tooth 
for a tooth, but I say unto you ye resist not Evil." &c. 
And Mat. V. 43-4-5. " Ye have heard that it hath 
been said, Thou shalt love thy iJ^eighbor and hate 
thine Enemy, but I say unto you love your Enemies, 
bless them that curse you, do good to them that hate 
you, and pray for them which despitefuUy use you 
and persecute you, that ye may be the children of 
your Father which is in heaven, for he maketh his 
Sun to rise on the Evil and on the good, and sendeth 
rain on the just & on the unjust." 

Convinced of the necessity of a strict adherence to 
these and numerous other divine precepts to the same 
effect, as well as to the peaceful spirit of the Gospel, 
our religious Society have not only uniformly de- 
clined joining personally in War, but have also con- 
sidered themselves conscientiously bound to refuse 
the payment of any Sum required in Lieu of such per- 
sonal Service or in Consideration of an Exemption 
from any Military Employment, however laudable 
the purposes are to which the money is intended to 
be applied, as it manifestly infringes on the right of 
conscience. 



182 Earner 9^imin, 

With fervent Desires that you may be favoured to 
discern the true Interests of the People and be qual- 
ified to judge with a righteous Precision in what re- 
lates to the important concerns of Conscience, that 
the advancement of the glorious Gospel Day prophet- 
ically declared may not be retarded, when Mankind 
shall no longer view each other with an indignant eye 
of malevolence, but cordially embrace as Brethren, 
and Nation shall not lift up Sword against ISTation 
neither learn War any more. 

We are respectfully, 

Your Sincere Priends 

Signed in and on behalf of the said 

Yearly Meeting by 

Nicholas Waln 
clerk to the Meeting this year. 



A 

Serious 

EXPOSTULATION 

with, the 

Members 

of the 

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. 

of the 

UNITED STATES. 

Philadelphia : 

Printed in the Year 

M,DCC,XCIII. 

In the American Daily Advertiser, and other pub- 
lic papers, are inserted Debates of the House of Rep- 
resentatives of the United States, on the 28th of No- 
vember last, some speeches or animadversions of two 
or three of the southern delegates, on the presenta- 
tion of what is there stiled " a paper purporting to be 
a memorial respecting the abolition of slavery, which 
in the opinion of the said delegates, and divers others, 
was declared to be an application unconstitutional, 
and of mischievous consequences, as it would only 
tend to render the Negroe unhappy, and excite them 
to insurrections in those states where they were most 
necessary to be retained; and that even the publica- 
tion of a fanatical memorial in the news-papers, 

183 



1S4 Life anD ^ncesttp of 

miglit have a fatal effect in disturbing the present ex- 
cellent harmony of the nnion; for the people of the 
southern states may be led thereby to suppose, that 
this memorial is before Congress and will be dis- 
cussed during the present session, it is therefore the 
more necessary to undeceive them, by publishing the 
contrary, and by expunging the entry from the jour- 
nals." 

Having believed it my religious duty to address 
that memorial to Congress, and that in so doing, I 
was really influenced by the Catholic principle of 
universal good-will to men, and sincerely desirous of 
promoting that excellent harmony and union, which 
is founded on the solid basis of impartial liberty and 
common right, I may acknowledge it is far from be- 
ing a matter of indifference to me to find, in the 
above-cited publication, so little regard paid to this 
great fundamental of the public weal, by men chosen 
and entrusted to fill a station so very important, who 
ought and may be supposed, on a subject of so inter- 
esting and extensive concernment, to speak their real 
sentiments, unbiassed by any sinister purpose; I have 
been therefore led I trust, by the same disinterested 
and Christian motive, which induced me to make the 
application in question, to enter into a close seK-ex- 
amination and reconsideration of the tenor of my said 
memorial, lest through an unguarded warmth of 
zeal, I might have given occasion to those not well- 
affected to that divine precept and perfect rule of 



Garnet ^itflin* iss 

universal equity, enjoined by the highest authority, 
whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye 
even so unto them ^ — to stamp the righteous and lib- 
eral aim and design of my memorial, with the oppro- 
brious stigma of fanaticism; and as far as I have 
been capable of an impartial scrutiny, I do not find 
anything therein contained more justly meriting so 
invidious a censure, than what may be found in divers 
publications of Congress on the same subject; some 
of which I have thought proper to select and bring 
into view, beginning with the following remarkable 
language of the association entered into the 20th of 
October, 1774. 

" And therefore we do for ourselves and the in- 
habitants of the several colonies whom we represent, 
firmly agree and associate under the sacred ties of vir- 
tue, honor, and love of our country, as follows: 

2d Article. " We will neither import nor pur- 
chase any slaves imported after the first day of De- 
cember next, after which time we will wholly discon- 
tinue the Slave Trade, and will neither be concerned 
in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell 
oui* commodities or manufactures to those who are 
cemed in it.^ 

Sth Article. " And will discountenance and dis- 
courage every species of extravagance and dissipa- 

iMatt. vii., 31. 

^Did not Virginia and Maryland consider this to be per- 
petual, by their Assemblies passing laws accordingly ? 



186 Mit and ancesttp of 

tion, especially all horse-racing, and all kinds of gam- 
ing, cock-fighting, exhibitions of shews, plays, and 
other expensive diversions and entertainments." 

(TO THE INHABITANTS OF THE COLONIES.) 

" In every case of opposition by a people to their 
rulers, or of one state to another, duty to Almighty 
God, the Creator of all, requires, that a true and im- 
partial judgment be formed of the measures leading 
to such opposition; and of the causes by which it has 
been provoked, or ran in any degree be justified, that 
neither affection on the one hand, nor resentment on 
the other, being permitted to give a wrong bias to 
reason, it may be enabled to take a dispassionate view 
of all circumstances, and to settle the public conduct 
on the solid foundations of wisdom and justice. From 
counsels thus tempered arise the purest hopes of the 
divine favor, and the firmest encouragement to the 
parties engaged, and the strongest recommendations 
of their cause to the rest of mankind, etc." 

(address TO THE INHABITANTS OF CANADA, MAY 29, 1775.) 

" When hardy attempts are made to deprive men 
of rights bestowed by the Almighty, when avenues 
are cut through the most solemn compacts for the ad- 
mission of despotism." 

(DECLARATION JULY 6, 1775, OF THE CAUSES AND NECESSITY 
OF TAKING UP ARMS.) 

" If it were possible for men who exercise their rea- 
son to believe, that the Divine Author of our exist- 



Watmt Mifflin* isy 

ence intended a part of the human race to hold an ab- 
solute property in, and unbounded power over others, 
marked out by infinite goodness and wisdom as the 
objects of a legal domination, never rightfully resist- 
able, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants 
of these colonies might at least require from the 
Parliament of Great Britain, some evidence that this 
dreadful authority over them has been granted to that 
body.^ 

" But a reverence for our great Creator, principles 
of humanity and the dictates of common sense must 
convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that 
government was instituted to promote the welfare of 
mankind, and ought to be administered for the attain- 
ment of that end. The Legislature of Great Britain 
however stimulated by an inordinate passion for 
power, &c." 

(2d, ADDBESS to the people of ENGLAND, JULY 8TH, 1775.) 

" Britains can never become the instruments of 
oppression 'till they lose the spirit of freedom." 

(ADDRESS TO IRELAND, JULY 28, 1775.) 

" Compelled to behold thousands of our country- 
men imprisoned, and men, women, and children in- 
volved in promiscuous and unremitted misery, when 
we find all faith at an end, and sacred treaties turned 
into tricks of state; when we perceive our friends and 
kinsmen massacred, our habitations plundered, our 
houses in flames." 

^ So may the Africans say. 



188 Mtt anD ancesttp of 

(and in the declaration of independence is inserted 
respecting the king as follows : ) 

" He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, 
burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our peo- 
ple. He is at this time transporting large armies of 
foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, 
desolation and tyranny, already begun with circum- 
stances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in 
the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy of the 
head of a civilized nation. He has excited domestic 
insurrections amongst us." 

And here I think it may be proper to mention, 
that under permission of Divine Providence, the 
measure which both Britains and Americans had long 
dealt to the natives of Africa, they were in like man- 
ner suffered reciprocally to mete out to each other, 
by burning towns, &c., captivating their inhabitants, 
stowing them into gaols and prison ships, to linger 
under agonizing pains unto cruel death; at this stage 
of affairs Congress resolve at different times on pubKc 
fasting and prayers, wherein they acknowledge the 
superintendence of an all wise Providence, and the 
obligations our nation was under, to reform from 
its sins and implore his merciful interposition, to re- 
move those calamities from the land, and avert those 
desolating judgments with which we were threatened. 
See Journal June 12, 1Y75, and March 16, 1776. 

In a pamphlet, entitled, " Observations on the 
American Revolution," published by order of Con- 



mntmt Qiifain* i89 

gress in 1779, the following sentiments are declared 
to tlie world, viz: 

" The great principle (of government) is and ever 
will remain in force, that men are hy nature free; as 
accountable to him that made them, they must be so; 
and so long as we have any idea of Divine Justice, 
we must associate that of human freedom. Whether 
men can part with their liberty, is among the ques- 
tions which have exercised the ablest writers; but it 
is concluded on all hands, that the right to be free can 
never be alienated — still less is it practicable for one 
generation to mortgage the privileges of another." 

After the laborious productions of the wisdom of 
this country, manifested to the world by the declara- 
tions and addresses from which the foregoing are ex- 
tracted, with others of a similar nature, demonstra- 
ting the natural rights of men in so clear a manner, 
the following appears to have been adopted as the 
then faith of the nation, in the declaration of inde- 
pendence the 4th of July 1776, viz: 

" We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all 
men are created equal, that they are endowed by 
their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that 
amongst these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- 
piness." 

At the time of entering into the solemn league and 
covenant (20th October 1774) to vindicate the rights 
of man, and promote national righteousness, had any 
one declared as their opinion that it was of mischiev- 



190 Life anU ancestrp of 

ous consequence, tending to render unhappy the help- 
less victims of despotic tyranny, and excite to insur- 
rection, or attempted to enforce as a political creed, 
so detestable a position, as that a happy national har- 
mony and union depended on securing to one class of 
men, the power and privilege of enslaving and exer- 
cising an imperious lordship over another part of 
God's rational creation, such person, though he might 
not have been stigmatized as a fanatic — would doubt- 
less have been in danger of being proscribed as an 
enemy to his country, and a traitor to the common 
cause of equal liberty: now feeling such a weight on 
my spirit, I am thereby impelled, by a sense of duty 
to the Sovereign of the Universe, and the dictates of 
humanity, to open my mouth for the dumb, in the 
cause of such as are appointed to destruction; and if 
this is fanaticism, enthusiasm, &c. may the Almighty 
grant a double portion to what I ever experienced, 
if it be his holy will. I cannot use the carnal sword 
in my country's defence, I believe that weapon for 
a Christian to be unlawful, yet I trust I shall with 
the weapons that are to me lawful in the cause of my 
country, manifest as much firmness and stability, 
though it be in the exercise of one talent, as those 
who think themselves justified in the use of other and 
greater talents: and therefore, as I do indeed feel 
alarmed, when I consider that the solemn professions 
so lately made in time of extremity and danger, and 
held up as the national faith, should so soon on this 



mumtt Qiiftlin* i9i 

important occasion seem to be regarded as mere 
iricks of state, what can be thought will be the issue ? 
May it not be considered like trifling with omnipo- 
tence ? 

I crave your patience, my fellow citizens — I am 
interested in the welfare of this country; but I can- 
not have any conception that this nation will long 
fare well, when after such declamations against 
Britain on account of the despotic measures pursued 
by her administration, the spirit of tyranny and op- 
pression is suffered so readily to prevail in the coun- 
cils of American rulers, to a degree in no instance 
exceeded by Britain; on which head I venture to 
appeal to the witness for God in your own breasts, 
which will undoubtedly show the national iniquity is 
the same, whether it proceed from Acts of Conven- 
tion, or receive its strength from the countenance of 
Congress. 

Had Congress done as much towards removing this 
national guilt, as by the tenor of their own vote they 
have power to do, there is no doubt mth me, but that 
it would at least have given a very powerful check, if 
not a total stop to the odious traffic, notwithstanding 
the plea of restriction in the constitution of the gen- 
eral government: but whether you will hear or for- 
bear, I think it my duty to tell you plainly, that I 
believe the blood of the slain, and the oppression 
exercised in Africa, promoted by Americans, and in 
this country also, will stick to the skirts of every in- 



192 Life and ance0trp of 

dividual of your body, who exercise the powers of 
Legislation, and do not exert their talents to clear 
themselves of this abomination, when they shall be ar- 
raigned before the tremendous bar of the judgment- 
seat of him who will not fail to do right, in rendering 
unto every man his due; even him who early de- 
clared, " at the hand of every man's brother will I 
require the life of man " ; before whom the natural 
black skin of the body will never occasion such degra- 
dation. I desire to approach you with proper and due 
respect, in the temper of a Christian, and the firm- 
ness of a veteran American Freeman, to plead the 
cause of injured innocence, and open my mouth for 
my oppressed brethren, who cannot open theirs for 
themselves. I ask no pecuniary advantage for my 
self, neither post or pension. I feel the sweets of 
American Liberty — I trust I am sensible of and 
thankful for the favor; and am not easy to partake of 
mine so partially, and see, hear and know of my 
brethren and fellow mortals being so arbitrarily and 
cruelly deprived of theirs, and not enter my protest. 
I desire to have this favor and blessing continued to 
myself and posterity, and cannot but view the tenure, 
both to myself and countrymen, as very precarious, 
while a plea is founded on the general constitution, in 
bar of the rights of man; and the equal distribution 
of justice being confirmed, that the views of a right- 
eous government would be, to promote the welfare 
of mankind universally, as well those of other nations. 



W^tntt Qiifflin* 193 

as the subjects or citizens of its own; and therefore, 
that it is obligatory on the United States, to prevent 
the citizens thereof injuring the inhabitants of 
Africa, as those of one state the citizens of another: 
and I doubt not in the least, if Africa was in a situa- 
tion to send fleets and armies here to retaliate, but 
Congress would soon devise ways, without violating 
the Constitution, to prevent our citizens from aggra- 
vating them. The almost daily accounts I have of 
the inhumanity perpetrated in these states on this 
race of men, distresses me night and day, and brings 
the subject of the Slave Trade wdth more pressure on 
my spirit; and I believe I feel a measure of the same 
obligation that the Prophet did when he was ordered 
to cry aloud, spare not, lift up thy voice like a trum- 
pet, and shew my people their transgressions, and 
the house of Jacob their sins. And here I think I 
can shew, that our nation are revolting from the law 
of God, the law of reason and humanity, and the just 
principles of government; and with rapid strides 
establishing tyranny and oppression ; to prove which, 
I need do no more than oppose the present conduct 
of the nation, to that part of it which I have now 
brought to your view, from the former journals of 
Congress, and then mention the sanction the African 
Slave Trade at this time has from the general govern- 
ment ; in proof of which I may refer to the condition 
13 



194 Mtt anD ^nce0ttp of 

on which Congress accepted the cession of the West- 
ern Territory of ISTorth Carolina, viz: That no regu- 
lation made or to he made shall tend to emancipate 
slaves. 

I am concerned that the leaders of the people may 
not cause them to err, or strengthen them in error; 
the plea now is by state Legislators, as well as other 
classes of citizens, and even those abandoned dealers 
in the persons of men, that Congress authorizes the 
traffic as I myself now believe you virtually do. 

If your disapprobation of this trade as a body was 
publicly known to be sincere, I believe it would have 
a good effect ; and if you are so it is my judgment the 
people has a right to know and expect it from you. I 
am persuaded, nine tenths of the citizens of the 
United States reprobate the African Trade, and con- 
sider every slave imported an injury to the public; 
and that they repose confidence in your wisdom as 
guardians of the nation, to prevent its injury; and 
that herein you betray the trust reposed in you, 
which is indeed a great and weighty trust, even to do 
that which of right ought to be done by the nation; 
therefore it requires on this very important subject 
your deep and serious consideration, what you can do 
so as to obtain the favor of Divine Providence to that 
land, which I do indeed believe wiU be marked with 
something very different, if such an inhuman traflSc 
is continued. 



mamtt ^imin. 195 

Humane petitions have been presented, to excite 
in Congress benevolent feelings for tbe sufferings of 
our fellow citizens under cruel bondage to Turks and 
Algerines, and that the national power and influence 
might be exerted for their relief; with this virtuous 
application I unite, but lament that any of my coun- 
trymen, who are distinguished as men eminently 
qualified for public station, should be so enslaved by 
illiberal prejudice, as to treat with contempt a like 
solicitude for another class of men still more griev- 
ously oppressed. 

I profess freely, and am willing my profession was 
known over the world, that I feel the calls of human- 
ity as strong towards an African in America, as to an 
American in Algiers, both being my brethren; espe- 
cially as I am informed the Algerine treats his slave 
vsdth more humanity ; and I believe the sin of oppres- 
sion on the part of the American is greatest in the 
sight of the father of the family of mankind. 

I hope some will excuse my inserting, in this apolo- 
getic expostulation, a few texts of scripture as they 
revive — I trust there are some of our rulers yet 
believe in the authenticity of the holy scriptures; 
what revives now, is the declaration of our Lord, 
Matt. 25 chap, and 41 verse. Then shall he say also 
to them on the left hand, depart from me ye cursed, 
&c. They also shall answer him, saying — ^When saw 



196 M(t anD ancestrp of 

we thee an liimgred, or athirst, or a stranger, or 
naked, or sick, or in prison, and did not minister unto 
thee? His answer then you may read, — Inasmuch as 
you did it not to the least of these, ye did it not to me. 

That I may not be thought to trespass on your 
patience on this momentous subject, after repeating 
my special request, that you would without delay 
exert your power and influence to frustrate the avari- 
cious purpose of those mercenaries, who are perhaps 
now on their voyage from Liverpool to Africa, to 
bring to some of the Southern states cargoes of inno- 
cent human beings into cruel, unconditional bondage ; 
the grounds I have for this apprehension are, I be- 
lieve, not unknown to some among you. I will draw 
towards a conclusion, with a quotation from the 
address of Congress to the Assembly of Jamaica, 
dated 26th of July 1775. 

" We receive uncommon pleasure from observing 
the principles of our righteous opposition distin- 
guished by your approbation: we feel the warmest 
gratitude for your pathetic mediation in our behalf 
with the crown — but are you to blame ? mournful 
experience tells us, that petitions are often rejected, 
while the sentiments and conduct of the petitioners 
entitled what they offer to a happier fate." 

That wisdom from above may be mercifully vouch- 
safed to direct the councils of America, that this 
extensive and rising republic may be exalted by right- 



Waxntt 9^min. 197 

eousness, and not overturned by pride, oppression, 
and forgetfulness of the rightful Ruler and Dread of 
N^ations, is the prayer of an enthusiast in a pure and 
uncorrupted sense, and who am both yours individ- 
ually and my country's real friend, 

Warner Mifflin. 



Kent County, State of Delaware, 
21st of the 1st Month, 1793. 



ADDRESS TO CONGRESS ON" SLAVERY.^ 

The continiied extension of a benevolent christian 
care towards that degraded & injured class of man- 
kind, the black people, is afresh urged as matter of 
duty worthy to be deeply felt after, not only in our 
Meetings for Sufferings especially, but also by our 
Brethren in Profession at large, that opportimities for 
exercise of Justice & Charity, as fit occasion presents, 
may not be overlooked. And as the minutes of our 
Meeting for Sufferings exhibit an effecting view of 
the enormous injustice & cruelty inflicted in some of 
the Southern States on free persons of the African 
Race, it is believed seasonable that a suitable remon- 
strance to the General Government will consist with 
the cause of truth and Righteousness for the promo- 
tion thereof we are met; the following friends are 
therefore named to give weighty attention thereto 
and prepare for the consideration of the Meeting 
what they may judge proper on the occasion viz: — 
John Parrish, Nicholas Wain, Warner Mifflin, John 
Drinker, Samuel Troth, Thomas Morris, John Simp- 
son, Henry Drinker, George Churchman, Jacob Land- 
ley, Mark Miller. 

The Committee named to prepare an Essay of an 
Address to the General Legislature having produced 

' From Minutes Yearly Meeting of Friends held in Philadel- 
phia by adjournment from 25th day of the 9th Mo. to the 29th 
of the same, inclusive, 1797. (p. 349.) 

198 



Garnet Mifflin* 199 

tke same, it was read & after deliberately attending 
to its contents, the concurrence of the Meeting being 
expressed, it is directed to be transcribed and signed 
by the clerk, and the following friends are desired 
carefully to attend to the most suitable opportunity 
for presenting it, viz : 

Nicholas Wain, David Bacon, Jacob Lindley, John 
Hoskins, Warner Mifflin, Abraham Gibbons, John 
Parrish, Henry Drinker, Jonathan Evans, Mark 
Miller, Thomas Morris, Thomas Stewardson, Oliver 
Paxson, Richard Hartshorne, John Hunt. — The Ad- 
dress being as follows: 

To the Senate and House of Eepresentatives of the 
United States in Congress assembled. 

The Memorial & Address of the People called 
Quakers from their Yearly Meeting held in Phila 
by adjournments from the 25 of the 9<Mo to the 29 
of the same inclusive 1797 

Respectfully sheweth 

That being convened at this our Annual Solemnity 
for the promotion of the cause of Truth & Righteous- 
ness, we have been favored to experience religious 
weight to attend our minds & an anxious desire to 
follow after those things which make for peace, 
among other investigations the oppressed state of our 
Brethren of the African Race has been brought into 
view, and particularly the circumstances of one hun- 



200 Mtt anD ance^ttp of 

dred & thirty four in ISTorth Carolina, and many 
others whose cases have not so fully come to our 
knowledge who were set free by members of our re- 
ligious Society and again reduced into cruel bondage 
under the authority of existing or retrospective laws, 
Husbands & Wives & Children separated one from 
another which we apprehend to be an abominable 
Tragedy; and with other acts of a similiar nature 
practiced in other States has the tendency to bring 
down the judgments of a righteous God upon our 
Land 

This City and neighborhood and some other parts 
have been visited with an awful calamity which ought 
to excite an inquiry into the Cause, and endeavors to 
do away with those things which occasion the heavy 
clouds that hang over us — It is easy with the 
Almighty to bring down the loftiness of Men by 
diversified judgments and to make them hear the Rod 
and Him that hath appointed it. 

We wish to revive in your view the solemn engage- 
ment of Congress made in the year 1774 as follows 
viz: 

And therefore we do for ourselves and the Inhabi- 
tants of the several Colonies whom we represent 
firmly agree & associate under the sacred ties of Vir- 
tue Honour and love of our Country as follows : 

2nd Article. We will neither import nor purchase 
any Slaves imported after the first day of December 
next, after which time we will wholly discontinue the 



Garnet ®ifain» 201 

Slave Trade and will neither be concerned in it our- 
selves nor will we hire our vessels nor sell our com- 
modities or manufactures to those who are concerned 
in it. 

8th Article. And Avill discountenance & discourage 
every species of extravagance. & dissipation espe- 
cially all horse-racing and all kinds of gaming, cock- 
fighting, exhibitions of shews plays & other expensive 
diversions & entertainments. 

This was a solemn League & covenant made with 
the Almighty in an hour of distress and he is now 
calling upon you to perform & fulfill it, but how has 
this solemn covenant been contravened by the wrongs 
& cruelties practiced upon the poor African race — 
the increase of dissipation & luxury, the countenance 
& Encouragement given to playhouses & other vain 
amusements & how grossly is the Almighty affronted 
on the day of the celebration of Independence. What 
rioting & drunkedness, chambering & wantonness, to 
the great grief of sober inhabitants & the disgrace of 
our National character. 

!N^ational Evils produce National judgments. We 
therefore fervently pray the Governor of the Uni- 
verse may enlighten your understandings & influence 
your minds so as to Engage you to use every exertion 
in your power to have these things redressed. 

With sincere desires for your happiness here & 
hereafter & that when you come to close this life you 
may individually be able to appeal as a ruler did for- 



202 Earner a^ifflin* 

merly, " Remember now O Lord I beseech Thee how 
have I walked before Thee in Truth & with a perfect 
heart and have done that which is good in thy sight.'^ 
We remain your friends and fellow citizens 

Signed in & on behalf of the said Meeting by 

Jonathan Evans 
Clerk to the Meeting this year 



FROM MINUTES YEARLY MEETING HELD IN PHILA 24 OF 

9 MO. 1798 (p 369) 

The Friends named last year to present the Ad- 
dress of this Meeting to the General Legislature of 
the United States mentioned their having performed 
the service and had therein a good degree of satis- 
faction 



WILL OF ANNE EYRE. 

In tlie name of God, Amen. 

I, Anne Eyre, of ye county of Northampton in 
Virginia, being sick in body, butt in perfect sense 
and memory, bless be God for it, do make this my last 
Will and Testimony, in manner and for me as follow- 
eth, that is to say, First my desire is that all my just 
debts bee paid. 

I give and bequeath unto my Granddaughter Anne 
Nock my negro girle Lidda and her increase to be de- 
livered to her at lawful aige. 

I give unto my Granddaughter Anne liifflin my 
negro girle Hannah and all her increase to be deliv- 
ered to her at lawful aige. 

I give and bequeath unto my Grandson Thomas 
Eyre, my negro girle Sarah, and her increase to be 
delivered to him at lawful aige. 

I give and bequeath unto my Granddaughter Sarah 
Nock, my negro girle Esther, with her increase to be 
delivered to her at lawful aige. 

I give and bequeath unto my Grandson Ezekiel 
Nock my girle Betty with her increase to be delivered 
to him at lawful aige. 

I give and bequeath to my daughter Mary Mifilin 
my negro girle Judah with her increase forever. 

I give and bequeath unto my Grandson Daniel 
203 



204 iLife anD ^ncesttp of 

Nock, my negro girle Mary with her increase to be 
delivered to him at lawful aige. 

I give and bequeath to my daughter Mary Mifflin, 
my negro woman Jenny with all her children, I give 
them to her and her heirs forever. 

I give and bequeath to my son Daniel Eyre, my 
negro man Daniel and my negro woman Betty with 
their increase. 

I give to my daughter Mary Mifflin ye best bed, 
best bowlster and quilt that I have, and my chest of 
drawers, and my riding horse. 

I give to my Granddaughter Anne Nock one silke 
rugg, one paire of steeles and two pillo cases. 

I give unto my son Daniel Eyre ye second best 
bedd, bowlster and a hammock. 

I give unto my grandchildren, viz., Anne Nock, 
Anne Mifflin, Patience Nock and Thomas Nock all 
my pewder to be equally divided amongst them. 

I give unto my son Daniel Eyre all my tools, viz., 
Carpenter, Cooper, and Shewmaker. 

My desire is that my neger Sambow, may have his 
liberty to goe to which of my childer hee pleases. 

I give unto my daughter Sarah Nock, my young 
horse and draggen horse. 

I give unto John Mills two hundred pounds of 
tobacco. 

I give unto my daughter Mary Mifflin my mear 
Spark and Bonny, Yearlin Mear. 



m^tntt ®ifflin» 205 

I give to Teague, Dear, all that he owes me pr. 
aco*. 

I give to my Granddaughter Anne N^ock my redd 
trnnke and ye chist that the Pewther is in. 

I give all ye remainder of my chists and trunks to 
be equally divided among my three childer. 

I give unto my daughter Sarah Nock, the bedd 
that I now lye on. 

I give to my Granddaughter Anne ISTock a new 
large bedd tick and bowlster with forty pounds of 
new fethers. 

I give to my son Daniel Eyre ye remainder of my 
fethers that is out of bedds. 

My vdll and desire is that all that is herein given 
be to them and their heirs forever. 

I give to my Grandson John MifSin thirty pounds 
current silver money of Virginia. 

I give to my daughter Sarah I^ock thirty pounds 
current silver, money of Virginia. 

My will and desire is that all ye remainder of my 
estate of what naiture or kind soever may bee equally 
divided amongst my three childer Sarah, Mary, and 
Daniel. 

My will and desire is that my estate may not bee 
appraist. I make and appoint my sons, Daniel Eyre, 
Thomas ISTock and Edward Mifflin to be joint execu- 
tors of this my last will and testimony. In testimony 



206 Earner Q^ifflm* 

whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal this 
15th day of May 1720. 

Sealed and delivered in ye presence of us, 

Samuel Bueton 
Thomas Fitchell 

his 

John I. M. Morine 

mark 

signed — her A mark 
Amm Eyke 

Probated 14 February 172^; Vol. 1718-1725 page 
146. l!^orthampton Co., Virginia Records. 



WILL OF EDWARD MIFFLIN. 

Accomack, the 7tli O'br., 1740. 

I, Edward Mifflin, of Accomack County in Vir- 
ginia, considering Mortality and that its appointed 
for man once to die, and being at this time of a sound 
and disposing mind and memory, do make, constitute 
and ordain this to be my last Will and Testament, 
hereby revoking and annuling all former wills by me 
made. Desiring that this only be taken for my True 
Last Will, in manner and form following: — 

Imprimis. I give and bequeath unto my son, Daniel 
Mifflin, and his heirs forever my tract of land where- 
on I now live, lying on the mouth of Swans Gut 
Creek, with my Water Mill and Plantation in Mary- 
land. 

Item. I give and bequeath unto my son, Samuel 
Mifflin, and his heirs forever my plantation and tract 
of land situate in the Northern Liberties of Philadel- 
phia near Schoolcill whereon my father, John Mif- 
flin, lived, containing two hundred and seventy acres. 

Item. I give and bequeath unto my son, Sothey 
Mifflin, and his heirs forever, my house and lot, lying 
and being in the High Street in Philadelphia in Penn- 
sylvania, situate near the great Meeting House. 
Whereas there is a dispute with my brothers' and 
sisters' children about part of my above given Plan- 
tation near Philadelphia which if they recover their 

207 



208 Life anD ^nttmv of 

claims I desire that my son, Samuel Mifflin, may have 
two hundred Pound in lieu of what they recover. 

Item. I give and bequeath unto my Granddaugh- 
ter, Ann Eyre, a young negro woman. 

Item. I give and bequeath all of my estate amongst 
my wife and three sons to be equally divided among 
them. 

Item. My desire is that my beloved wife, Mary 
Mifflin, may have her natural life on Plantation 
whereon I now live and likewise that she may have 
my Water Mill and Plantation in Maryland during 
her life and also desire she may have the profits of 
my house at Philadelphia and of my Plantation situ- 
ate on Schoolkill with the appurtenances thereto be- 
longing until my two sons, Samuel & Sothey, come 
to the age of twenty years. I also give to my well- 
beloved wife my use money. I desire that my son, 
Daniel Mifflin, may have his liberty to declare his 
bequests, and take either of his brothers bequests and 
if he chooses either of theirs that he chooses from 
may have his. 

Item. My will and desire is that my estate be 
brought to no appraisement. 

Item. I desire that my estate may not be divided 
till my son, Daniel Mifflin, comes of age at 21 years. 

Lastly I ordain and appoint my son Daniel Mifflin 
and Joseph Maxfield with my beloved wife Mary Mif- 
flin my sole executors and Executrix of this my last 



Garnet ^Min* 209 

Will and Testament, in witness thereof I liave set my 
hand and seal. 

Edward Mifflin. 

Signed, sealed and delivered 
in the presence of 
Joseph M^vxfield. 
John Walton. 
Jacob BLeil. 
William Goee. 

At a court held 31st May, 1743, the above last will, 
etc., etc.; (here follows the probate.) 



EXTRACT FROM WILL OF MARY MIFFLIN/ 

Marj Mifflin mentions her son's (Samuel Mifflin's) 
two children, Edward and Mary Mifflin, and her 
grandsons, Warner and Daniel Mifflin, and great- 
grandson, Daniel iN'ock, son of James Kock. She 
gave Warner Mifflin, her grandson, 220 lbs. cur- 
rent money of Va., and her grandson, Daniel Mifflin, 
122 lbs. current money of Va. Her great-grand- 
daughter, Mary Mifflin, the daughter of Southey Mif- 
flin, received a legacy. She gave a legacy to the 
Monthly Meeting at Little Creek, Kent Co., Del.; a 
small legacy was left to her great-grandson, Charles 
IMifflin, the son of George Mifflin; also to Ann Rob- 
ertson, a small legacy; also to Stephen Maxfield and 
Susannah Beary (Berry) 20s. each to buy a ring. 
She also gave Mary Mifflin, the daughter of Warner, 
a second small legacy; also to Susannah ISTelson a Cow 
and Calf. Son Daniel and grandson Warner Mifilin, 
Executors. 



^ Dated June 18th, 1772. Probated March 25th, 1775. Vol. 
1772 to 1777, page 312, Wills, Accomac County, Va., Records. 

210 



DEED 

This Indenture, made the fourth day of the first 
month, in the year of our Lord, one thousand, seven 
hundred and eighty nine, between Daniel Miffiin of 
Accomac County of Virginia and Mary, his wife, 
Warner Mifflin of Kent County on Delaware and 
Anne, his wife, all of the one part, and John Wethred 
of New Castle County of the Delaware State, of the 
other part. Whereas it appears that five hundred 
acres or thereabouts, part of a large tract of twelve 
hundred acres, formerly granted unto a certain 
Charles James, called Drayton, did by divers ways 
and means become the property of Joseph Warner, 
formerly of Kent County in Maryland, who being so 
possessed, died having only one child (his heiress) 
named Mary Warner, who died on the twenty-eighth 
day of October Anno Domini, one thousand seven 
hundred and thirty seven, obtain a warrant to resur- 
vey her said part of said tract called " Drayton," and 
include the surplusage lands, and add what vacancy 
should lay contiguous thereto, by virtue whereof the 
farm was resurveyed and found to contain six hun- 
dred and two acres, and agreeable thereto confirmed 
to the said Mary by patent dated November ye sev- 
enth. Anno Domini, seventeen hundred and forty- 
one, as by the farm reference thereunto had may ap- 
pear and whereas the said Mary Warner did inter- 

211 



212 JLitt anD ^nttmv of 

marry with the above named Daniel Mifflin, by whom 
she left issue the above named Warner Mifflin, her 
eldest son and heir at law: and whereas it is hereby 
intended to grant and convey unto the said John 
Wethred, a certain peice or parcel of the aforesaid 
resurvey called " Warner's part of Drayton," includ- 
ing a grist and saw mill with some other small im- 
provements adjoining thereto a part of which hath 
also been heretofore claimed by the said Daniel Mif- 
flin as his own property, by virtue of a purchase by 
him made from George Rasin, by Deed dated April 
22, 1753, and being now found within the bounds of 
the said Warner's part of Drayton, which is solely the 
property of the said Warner Mifflin, the said Daniel 
and Anne, his wife, to prevent any future disputes 
and contentions that might arise respecting the 
proper right and title thereto, have herein joined with 
the said Warner Mifflin and Anne, his wife, to con- 
vey the said part unto the said John Wethred and 
to his heirs forever, which is bounded and limited as 
follows, viz: — beginning at a stone by the stump of 
a Avhite oak Cornor, south side of the edge of Chum 
Creek (below the mill) the corner also of a part of 
the said tract conveyed by the said Warner Mifflin 
and his former wife, to the aforesaid John Wethred, 
thence with a line thereof south-west five perches to 
the run or stream of said Chum Creek, thence south 
fifty one degrees, east thirty-eight perches to the 
south side of the mill-pond to the Bank or Hill at the 



(DOamet Qiifflin* 213 

southern end of the mill-dam with liberty to take dirt 
from said Hill and accommodate the dam out of said 
Hill forever. Thence up the side of the pond binding 
with the edge thereof as follows, viz: — south sixty- 
two degrees, east ten perches, south fifty-two degrees, 
east six perches, south five degrees, west seven 
perches, south sixty-seven degrees, east seven perches, 
north-east five perches, south twenty-six degrees, 
east twenty-four and a half perches, south-east 
eighteen perches, south six perches to the outside line 
of the whole tract, then with the said line or part 
thereof reversing south forty-seven and one half de- 
grees, east two perches and six-tenths of a perch, then 
south eighty-six degrees, east thirty-nine perches, 
north-east thirteen perches to the north side binding 
with the said part conveyed to John Wethred by the 
said Warner Mifilin, down the mill pond still adjoin- 
ing the aforesaid land sold; now imiting the whole 
together unto the beginning containing sixteen acres 
and one hundred and thirty square perches of land 
and mill pond. 

Now this Indenture witnesseth that the said Daniel 
Mifilin and Anne his wife, Warner Mifilin and Anne 
his wife, for and in consideration of the just and full 
sum of four hundred pounds good and lawful money 
(being specie) to them in hand paid by the said 
John , the receipt whereof is hereby acknowl- 
edged by the said Daniel Mifilin and Anne, his wife, 
and Warner Mifilin and Anne, his wife, and them- 



214 Life and ^ncegtrp of 

selves, therewith fully satisfied, contented and paid, 
have granted, bargained, sold, released, entitled and 
confirmed, and do by these presents grant, bargain, 

sell, confirm unto him, the said John , his 

heirs and assigns forever, all the above described 
tract, piece or part of Drayton, together with the 
mills and other appurtenances thereunto belonging, 
with all and singular the buildings, improvements, 
waters, water courses and writings and appurtenances 
and the reversion and reversions, remainder and re- 
mainders unto and profits thereof, and all the 

estate, title, interest, property, claim and demand of 
them, the said Daniel Mifilin and Anne his wife and 
Warner Mifflin and Anne his wife, in law, equity or 
otherwise whatsoever of in and to the saw mill and 
land and pond "with every other the appurtenance to 
the same belonging. 

To have and to hold the said land and premises, 
together with the said mills with every other the ap- 
purtenances to the farm belonging hereby granted 
unto the said John Wethred and his heirs and assigns 
forever. And the said Daniel Mifflin and Anne his 
wife, and Warner Mifflin and Anne his wife, and 
their heirs, the land and premises together vdih the 
said mill and other appurtenances hereby granted 
unto the said John Wethred as if against themselves, 
the said Daniel Mifflin and Anne his wife, and War- 
ner Mifilin and Anne his wife, and their heirs, and 
against all and every person or persons claiming or 



mamtt a^ifflin* 215 

hereafter lawfully to claim from or under them or 
either of them, shall and will warrant and forever 
defend by these presents. 

This Deed is now given, made over and executed 
in consequence of a Bond given to John Wethred and 
John Buchannan by Warner Mifflin for the aforesaid 
property, which Bond John Wethred has made his 
own property by taking assignment from Buckannan 
and paying the full considerations, money; said Bond 
bore date of thirty-first day of August seventeen hun- 
dred and seventy. 

In witness whereof they, the said Daniel Mifflin 
and Mary his wife, Warner Mifflin and Anne his wife, 
have hereunto set their hands and fixed their seals 
the year and day first above written. Be it known 
that the words Warner Mifflin of Kent County on 
Delaware and Anne his wife all was wrote before the 
first line, and sixty was interlined between the twelfth 
and thirteenth line of this Deed before it was exe- 
cuted. 

Daniel Mifflin Warner Mifflin 

Mary Mifflin Anne Mifflin 

Sealed and delivered in 
the presence of; 
John Selby 
OuTLis Sturgis 

Received of the above named John Wethred the 
sum of four hundred pounds specie, being the con- 



216 Life anD ance0trp of 

sideration money above mentioned. Witness our 
hands the day and year first above mentioned. 

Warner Mifflin 

Witness Present — John Selby 

OuTLis Sturgis 

Maryland, St. Be it remembered that on the day 
and year first within written, personally appeared 
before me the subscriber two of the State Justices of 
the Peace for Worcester County, the within named 
Daniel Mifflin and Warner Mifflia, at the same time 
came Mary Mifflin, wife of the said Daniel and Anne 
Mifflin wife of the said Warner Mifflin, and they each 
of them being severally examined privately and apart 
and out of the hearing of their said husbands, agree- 
able to an act of Assembly in that case made and pro- 
vided: and they and each of them acknowledged the 
lands and premise contained in the within deed to be 
the right and title of the within named John Weth- 
red and his heirs and assigns forever, agreeable to the 
true intent and meaning of the within deed and 
according to law. 

Before John Selby 

OuTLis Sturgis. 

In the State of Maryalnd, 
Worcester County, to wit: — 

I hereby certify that John Selby and Outlis Stur- 
gis, gentlemen before whom the foregoing deed was 



Wamtt ^ifUin* 217 

acknowledged was at the time of acknowledging the 
same and still are two of the justices of the peace 
assigned to keep in and for the county of, hereby 
commissioned and sworn and as such due faith and 
credit ought to be given to all certificates by them 
given as well as in Court of Justice as thereont. 

In testimony whereof, I have hereto set my hand 
and affixed the seal of my office the 3rd day of May, 
Anno Domini, 1790. 

Jam E. Morris, Ck. Cur. Court — Wor. 

May the fifth day Anno Domini Seventeen hun- 
dred and ninety. 

Then was delivered unto me, the subscriber, the 
foregoing deed in order to be enrolled among the 
records of Worcester County, which said deed 
together with the acknowledgment thereof, receipt 
and certificate to thereon endorsed, are accordingly 
recorded in Liber N, folio 254; 255; 256; and 257. 

Jam R. Morris, Clk. 



WILL OF DANIEL MIFFLIN. 

I, Daniel Mifflin, of the County of Accomack, in 
the State of Virginia, being sick and weak of body 
but of sound and disposing mind and memory, do 
make and ordain this my Last Will and Testament, 
hereby revoking and making void all former wiUs by 
me made. 

Imprimis. It is my will that all my just debts 
should first be honestly paid. 

Item. Inasmuch as I have heretofore sold unto 
Levin Hickman thirty acres of land on Assateague 
beach as hereafter described, and he having paid me 
for the same and got neither Bond nor Deed of Con- 
veyance therefore, wherefore to supply said deficien- 
cies I give and bequeath unto the said Levin Hick- 
man the aforesaid thirty acres of land, it being part of 
a large tract of land which I bought of Thomas Gore 
beginning at John Lewises Line, and binding with the 
same to the sand Hills, thence to run so far down said 
Island between the sand Hills and Assateague Inlet 
High Water Mark as with a direct line drawn across 
the Island to the sand hills will include the said 
thirty acres of land, to him his heirs and assigns for- 
ever. 

Item. In like manner as above, I have sold unto 
John Lewis and Artliur Cherix eighty acres of land 
from the same tract as above, and they having in part 

218 



Earner Mifflin* 219 

paid me the same and have got neither deed nor bond 
of Conveyance therefore, wherefore I give and be- 
queath unto the said John Lewis and Arthur Cherix 
eighty acres of land as aforesaid, being part of the 
same tract. I bought of Thomas Gore, reserving to 
myself fifty-three acres binding on Levin Hickman's 
land noted as above, and to run down to the Island 
between the sand hills and the Inlet High Water 
Mark so far as to include the aforesaid fifty three 
acres, after reserving to myself all the cedar timber 
that may be on the same, I give and bequeath unto 
the said John Lewis and Arthur Cherix, their heirs 
and assigns forever, provided they pay to my execu- 
tors herafter to be named the balance due me for 
said eighty acres, as may appear in an article between 
us for the same. 

Item. In like manner as above, I have sold unto 
John Blades one hundred and fifty acres of land as 
surveyed by Samuel Smith, surveyor, and the man 
with him, and marked out, which said one hundred 
and fifty acres he has paid me for and got neither 
deed or bond of Conveyance, wherefore I give and 
bequeath unto the said John Blades the one hundred 
and fifty five acres of aforesaid, being part of two 
tracts of land called Floyds Lot, the other Mifflin's 
Purchase, situate in Pitt's Creek Hundred in Worces- 
ter County, State of Maryland, to him, his heirs 
and assigns forever. 

Item. I give and bequeath unto my son Warner 



220 JLjfe anD ancesttp of 

Mifflin the sum of five shillings, which together with 
what he has already had I consider his full proportion 
of my estate. 

Item. I give and bequeath unto my son Daniel Mif- 
flin, the sum of two hundred pounds, which together 
with what he already has had I consider his full pro- 
portion, which said two hundred pounds is finally to 
settle all accounts between us if any there be. 

Item. I give and bequeath unto my grandson, 
Jonathan Walker Mifflin, the sum of one hundred 
pounds to be paid him when he arrives at lawful age 
by my executors, upon this express condition, how- 
ever, that he convey to his aunts a right to take a suf- 
ficiency of dirt from time to time as may be suffi- 
cient to support that part of the dam of my lower 
mill upon Swans gut adjoining his lands, and that he 
also continue to them the right of joining that part 
of the dam to his land aforesaid. But if he should 
die before he arrives at lawful age and without law- 
ful issue, the hundred pounds so left to him is 
to be divided equally among my grandchildren then 
living. Inasmuch as I find it difficult to ascertain 
with truth how much the amount of my estate may 
be, I cannot with certainty or perhaps equity say what 
my wife's dower shall be, but leave it with my execu- 
tors and herself to agree upon the same, hoping that 
both may be governed by reason and justice, which 
said dower so ascertained and agreed on as aforesaid, 
I bequeath unto my beloved wife during her 



matmt ^imin. 221 

natural life, and at her death, my will is that said 
dower equally upon or to my daughters Patience 
Hunn, Elizabeth Howell, Eyre Mifflin and Eebecca 
Mifflin, and my granddaughter Anne Hunn. I give 
and bequeath unto my daughters Patience Hunn, 
Eliz*^ Howell, Eyre Mifflin and Rebecca Mifflin, and 
my granddaughter Anne Hunn equally, the whole of 
the remainder and unmentioned part of both my real 
and personal estate. Those to whom I have given 
part heretofore, viz: Patience Hunn, Eliz**^ Howell 
and Anne Hunn, what I have given to her mother 
Mary Hunn, accounting strictly for the same, and to 
be added to what is now given them in common and 
equal division made, my granddaughter Anne 
Hunn's dividend or part not to be considered her 
property until she arrives at lawful age, and if she 
should die before she arrives at lawful age as afore- 
said or without lawful issue, what I have left her I 
will and bequeath to be divided equally among all my 
grandchildren then living. It is my desire and I do 
enjoin it on all my children, and grandchildren, Anne 
Hunn and Jonathan Walker Mifflin, to take care of 
and administer to the necessities and relief of such 
Black people as myself and former wife Anne emanu- 
mitted, and are or may be in circumstances any w^ays 
not able to help themselves, according and in propor- 
tion to what they have received of mine and my said 
wife's Anne estate. 



222 ceiarnet Mifflin* 

Then he makes his sons, Warner and Daniel Mif- 
flin his executors. Dated 22nd December 1795. 
Probated April 27, 1796. 

Volume 1794-96, page 365. A. C. V. 



WILL OF WARNER MIFFLHST. 

Wakner Mifflin — 

I, Warner Mifflin, of Kent County, State of Dela- 
ware, being of sound and disposing mind and mem- 
ory, at present favored with a good state of bodily 
health, and expecting in a few days to set off to attend 
our yearly meeting in Philadelphia, that City being 
at this time visited with an epedemic disorder of 
which great numbers dye, by accounts received, and 
great part of the inhabitants in consequence thereof 
have left the City. It feels awful to undertake this 
journey, but believing it my duty to proceed therein, 
having nothing in view but to be found in the dis- 
charge thereof to him who gave me a being, and who 
I have faith to believe can preserve me even amidst 
the raging pestilence, if he is so pleased to do, how- 
ever, I desire to be resigned to his holy will therein, 
as I believe it my duty to be: do therefore proceed 
in this manner to dispose of my temporal concerns in 
the best manner I am at present capable, hereby de- 
clare in this to be my last will and testament as 
follows ; — 

Imprimis. I give and bequeath to my beloved wife, 
Ann Mifflin, all the money owing and payable unto 
me on Bond note, for rent in the city of Philadelphia 
and adjacent thereto, being part of her maiden prop- 
erty, which said bonds, etc. now alluded to are in pos- 

223 



224 Life anD ancesttp of 

session of her mother, Anne Emelin, amounting the 
principal, interest and rent, to near two thousand 
pounds including sixteen hundred pounds I settled 
on her by a deed of trust legally executed and now in 
the hands of her brother, James Emelin, one of the 
Trustees therein named: some of those Bonds and 
notes are in my said wife's own maiden name, others 
in mine. I also give and bequeath to my said beloved 
wife all the household furniture that came by her of 
every kind that can be found, also my best rideing 
carriage and her choice of the horses for a carriage 
horse, two work horses, one plow and harrow with 
their appurtenances, the best I have, six cows, her 
choice out of my whole stock for milk, a good yoke 
of oxen and oxcart; likewise three of my best beds 
and appurtenances to them belonging. I also give 
and bequeath unto my beloved wife that part of my 
mansion plantation to be divided from the other part 
by a line beginning near the bridge by Dr. McKees 
fence, so as to leave some of the turn of the low 
ground for a watering place to my children's field, 
next the county road, then to run so as to include all 
the low ground to my wife's part within my planta- 
tion fence, as the same now runs through the 
branch, on the line between me and the heirs of John 
Banning, where Willes now lives, from the line afore- 
said, the line of Banning's land aforesaid to Tidbury 
branch with said branch and the State road, as to 
include all the land I hold of the tract called Gains- 



mantet ^ifUin, 225 

borough, together with the houses, buildings, appur- 
tenances to my said wife for and during her natural 
life. 

Item. I give and bequeath to my beloved son 
Samuel E. Mifflin the above devise tract of land de- 
vised his mother after her decease, according to the 
above described metes and bounds to him, his heirs, 
and assigns forever. 

Item. I give and bequeath unto my son Lemuel 
Mifflin my marsh plantation in Little Creek adjoin- 
ing lands of George Buck and Garrett Sipple, said to 
contain three hundred acres of upland, with the whole 
of my marsh thereto adjoining, to him my beloved 
son, Lemuel Mifflin, to be possessed and enjoyed 
when he shall arrive to twenty-one years of age, to be 
holden from thence forward to him and his heirs for- 
ever. The use and benefit of my said plantation now 
devised to my son Lemuel, I give and bequeath to my 
beloved wife till he my said son shall arrive to the 
age of twenty-one, out of which she is to raise and 
school my said son. 

Item. I give and bequeath to my beloved wife 
twenty acres of meadow ground on cow marsh to be 
laid off where I have been clearing and ten acres of 
contageous woodland for timber to fence the same, 
for and during her natural life. 

Item. I give and bequeath all the residue of my 
land at Cow Marsh on the side of the public road that 
John Keys lives, including the plantation said Keys 



226 Mtt anD ancesttp of 

lives on, as also one hundred and eight and haK acres 
of land that I have purchased in company with my 
brother, Daniel JMifflin and Jonathan Hunn from 
Aron Oakford, my half being the quantity for which 
there is not a deed to us as yet from Oakford, tho' I 
have the legal title vested to me by a former deed, in 
which this land is included. This last described land 
I give unto my son Samuel, provided my beloved wife 
pays the remainder of the purchase money, my part 
to Aron Oakford, to be my son Samuel Emlin Mif- 
flin's on his arrival to tv/enty-one years of age (his 
mother, my beloved wife, to have the rents and 
profits till he my said son shall arrive to twenty-one 
years of age) and to his heirs and assigns forever. 

Item. I also give and bequeath unto my said son 
Lemuel at his mother's death the twenty acres of 
meadow ground and ten acres of woodland adjoining, 
to him and his heirs forever. 

Item. The residue and remainder of my estate 
both real and personal I give and bequeath to my 
children by my first wife, to witt, Warner Mifflin, 
Elizabeth Cowgill, Ann Rasin, Susanna Mifilin and 
Sarah Mifflin in equal portions share and share alike, 
coimting the several sums that I have paid to my two 
son-in-laws, Clayton Cowgill and Warner Raisin, as 
by my books will appear; the other children to have 
all made up equal to what my daughter Elizabeth 
hath received by her husband as aforesaid, then to be 
equally divided the residue to them share and share 



matmt ®ifain» 227 

alike — by this is intended all the lands that I have 
in possession not only in my own right, but such as I 
hold in the right of my first wife; the whole of the 
lands I hold in Marshyhope is in my own right and 
those at the manor, also the last I had valued, intend- 
ing to pay my children the value, but by this will I do 
give the whole among them, and enjoin that they shall 
stand by this my will, and convey by release each to 
the other as they come of lawful age, that the division 
when made shall be fully confirmed, and I do hereby 
nominate my beloved brother Daniel MifSin and my 
brother-in-law Jonathan Hunn and Samuel Howell, 
or any two of them, to make all the divisions among 
my said children that I have directed by this will, 
and to lay off the meadow ground and upland to my 
wife at cow marsh. 

Item. My will and desire is that if my beloved 
wife should be pregnant at this time, or any time 
during my life, that such issue male or female, and to 
this, I give and bequeath the whole of the land at cow 
marsh devised to my son Samuel Emlin Mifflin, except 
the thirty acres devised to his mother for life, to such 
issue of my said wife, as also the plantation on the 
other side of cow marsh lately purchased of George 
Cummins when such issue shall arrive to lawful age, 
to be possessed thereof their heirs and assigns for- 
ever; the rents and profits thereof to be the right of 
my beloved wife till such lawful age, and further it 
is mv will and desire that a further sum of four hun- 



228 Earner a^itain* 

dred pounds shall within four years next after my 
decease be paid by my executors hereafter named out 
of the estates of my five children residuary Legatees 
as aforementioned, that is to say, one hundred pounds 
per year into the hands of my beloved wife, to and 
for the use of such issue should any such be, to be 
paid to such issue when of lawful age. 

State of Delaware ) 
Kent County J 

Personally appeared Daniel Mifflin and Jonathan 
Hunn and Samuel Howell before me the subscriber 
who being respectively affirmed do say that the within 
and foregoing instrument of writing, said to be the 
last will of Warner Mifflin, dec'd, is in the proper 
handwrit of the said Warner Mifflin dec'd, in testi- 
mony whereof I have hereto set my hand this 17th 
day of January A. D. 1799. 

John Laws, Kegister. 



EXTRACT FEOM THE WILL OF ANNE 
EMLEN MIFFLIN.^ 

Anne Emlen Mifflin's ^vill was dated 1811, and let- 
ters of administration with the will annexed were 
issued to her son Lemuel, 12 April, 1815, with 
Samuel E. Howell and Joshua Emlen as securities. 
There were bequests to her sons, Samuel E. and 
Lemuel. 

> " Memoranda of the Mifflin Family," by J. H. Merrill, p. 49. 



A NOTE ON THE MIFFLIN HOMESTEADS. 

The Mifflin homestead, called " Fountain Green," 
founded by John Mifflin the emigrant, was situated 
in Fairmount Park, in the ravine below and to the 
west of where now stands the Smith Memorial Chil- 
dren's Playhouse, and to the east of the Benedict 
Arnold house. A guard in the employ of the Park 
for over twenty years remembered seeing the house 
in 1871, and described it as a large house, with pil- 
lars supporting the front porch. All that now marks 
the site is the spring in the rear of the house and the 
stumps of two giant chestnut trees that stood in front 
of the house. 

" Pharsalia," in Accomac Co., Virginia, is still 
standing, and is described by a recent visitor (1903) 
as having been a fine house in its day. The planta- 
tion, which was an extensive one, is near Franklin 
City, and commands a good view of Chincoteague 
Bay and Island. 

" Chestnut Grove," near Camden, Delaware, is 
still in a good state of preservation, and is little 
changed, except that the old nursery back of the par- 
lor is used as a store-room, and the window has been 
closed that once looked from Warner Mifflin's study 
into the outer kitchen. The chestnut trees that gave 
the place its name have all died or been cut down, and 

229 



230 Wamtt 9^itfiin. 

only an old pear tree and some box remain of the 
original planting. 

Through the interest of Warner Mifflin's descend- 
ants the fence surrounding the now abandoned Mur- 
therkill, or Motherkill, Burying Ground has been 
replaced (1904), and a stone bearing the following 
inscription placed "within the lot: 

MOTHERKILL BURYING GROUND 

WITHIN THIS ENCLOSURE 

ARE INTERRED THE REMAINS 

OF 

WARNER MIFFLIN 

FRIEND, PHILANTHROPIST, PATRIOT. 

BORN AUGUST 21ST, 1745. 

DIED OCTOBER 16tH, 1798. 



DANIEL NEALL. 

Dr. Neall, a worthy disciple of that venerated philanthropist, Warner 
Mifflin, whom the Girondist statesman, Jean Pierre Brissot, pronounced "an 
angel of mercy, the best man he ever knew," was one of the noble band of 
Pennsylvania abolitionists, whose bravery was equalled only by their gentle- 
ness and tenderness.* 

T. 
Friend of the Slave, and yet tlie friend of all ; 

Lover of peace, yet ever foremost when 

The need of battling Freedom called for men 
To plant the banner on the outer wall ; 
Gentle and kindly, ever at distress 
Melted to more than woman's tenderness. 
Yet firm and steadfast, at his duty's post 
Fronting the violence of a maddened host, 
Like some gray rock from which the waves are tossed ! 
Knowing his deeds of love, men qiiestioned not 

The faith of one whose walk and word were right ; 
Who tranquilly in Life's great task-field wrought. 
And, side by side with evil, scarcely caught 

A stain upon his pilgrim garb of white : 
Prompt to redress another's wrong, his own 
Leaving to Time and Truth and Penitence alone. 

II. 

Such was our friend. Formed on the good old plan, 

A true and brave and downright honest man ! 

He blew no trumpet in the market-place, 

Nor in the church with hypocritic face 

Supplied with cant the lack of Christian grace ; 

Loathing pretence, he did with cheerful will 

What others talked of while their hands were still ; 

And, while " Lord, Lord ! " the pious tyrants cried, 

Who, in the poor, their Master crucified, 

His daily prayer, far better understood 

In acts than words, was simply doing good. 

So calm, so constant was his rectitude, 

That by his loss alone we know its worth. 

And feel how true a man has walked with us on earth. 

—John Geeenleaf Whittier. 
Sixth month 6th, 1S46. 



* The head-note preceding the poem was written by John Greenleaf Whittier 
a few years before his death, and appeared in the Eiverside Edition of his 
poems, published by Houghton, Mifflin & Co., in 1888. 



THOMAS FOULKE. 

Thomas Foulke (Ffoulke, old style), the first of that name who came to Amer- 
ica, w born about 1624. He died in 1714 when 90 years of age. 

In January, 1677, he resided in " Holmegate in ye parish of North wingfield, 
County of Derby, England." (Deed Book, Part I, folio 187, Office of Secretary 
of State, Trenton, New Jersey), and is described as "Yeoman." He purchased 
from Mahlon Stacy, of Handsworth, York Co., England (tanner), 1-5 part of one 
of the 7-90 of West New Jersey. 

He was one of "the nine commissioners sent by the Proprietors of West New 
Jersey, in 1677, with power to buy lands of the natives ; to inspect the rights of 
those who claimed property ; to order lands laid out ; and in general, administer 
the government pursuant to the Concessions." 

" In 1675 William Penn had been chosen umpire to settle a dispute between 
Edward Byllinge and John Fenwick (both Quakers), respecting their claims to a 
tract of land known as West Jersey. William Penn decided in favor of Byllinge, 
but the latter, having become much embarrassed in his affairs, and in order to 
satisfy his creditors, gave up to them his interest in this West Jersey territory. 

" At the earnest solicitation of Byllinge, William Penn was associated with 
the creditors as a joint trustee. Within the next two or three years, several vessels 
came to West Jersey with about 800 emigrants, of whom the greater number were 
Quakers." Among them was Thomas Foulke, who, with the other commissioners, 
"sailed in the Kent, Gregory Marlow, Master, and after a tedious voyage landed 
at New Castle 6-16--1677 old:style." The Commissioners proceeded to a place 
called Chygo's Island (afterward Burlington) to treat with the Indians for the 
land there. 

He located in Chesterfield, at Crosswicks, and was a member of Chesterfield 
Monthly Meeting (see records for details of births, marriages and deaths, &c., of 
Thomas Foulke's descendants). 

THOMAS FOULKE, Sr., and Mary, his wife, 

had 

I 

THOMAS FOULKE, Jr., who married Elizabeth Curtis. 

They had 

I 

I i 

SARAH FOULKE, ELIZABETH FOULKE, 

who married Joseph Thorn. They had wtio married Richard Skirm. They had 

I I 

JOHN THORN, ABRAM SKIRM, 

who married Diademia Ivins. They had who married Elizabeth Fowler. They had 

I I 

ISAAC THORN, HULDAH SKIRM, 

who married Mary Schooley. They had who married James Wooley. They had 

I I 

ISAAC THORN, Jr., who married his third cousin MARY WOOLEY 
(fifth generation from Thomas Foulke) (also of the fifth generation from Thomas Foulke) 

They had 

I 

HULDAH THORN, 

who married TVarner Justice. They had 

I 

THEODORE JUSTICE, 

who married Anna V. Neall (third generation from Warner MiflOiin). They had 

I 

I I 

HILDA JUSTICE WILLIAM WARNER JUSTICE 

(fourth generation from Warner Mifflin) 



II^DEX. 



Acton, Margaret (m. Griseom) 20 
Akarman, John, Sr. and Jr... 24 

Alison, Samuel 170 

Allen, John 127 

Allston, Israel 145, 160 

Allston, John, 145 

Anderson, Cecilia {m. Neall) . . 19 

Anderson, James 19 

Andros, Governor 25 

Armitt, Sarah (m. (1) Pow- 
ell), (2) Mifflin) 14 

Atkinson, Rachael 137 

Bacon, David 199 

Baker, Daniel 11, 12 

Baker, Susanna (m. (1) Eyre, 
(2) Potts, (3) Kendall) .... 11 

Balfour, Colonel 46, 47 

Banning, John 224 

Barratt, Eliza 137 

Barratt, Lydia 137 

Bartlett, Hannah 133 

Bavist, Benjamin 135 

Benezet, Anthony 59, 167 

Berry, Mary 107, 108 

Berry, Susannah 210 

Berry, Thomas 18, 137, 157 

Biddle, Owen 177 

Birckhead, Christo 131 

Birkhead, Solom 131 

Blades, John 219 

Bodien, Hannah 133 

Bodien, Henry 133 

Bowers, John .... 139, 151, 153, 166 



Bowers, Thos 133 

Bowman, Elizabeth 143 

Bowne, George 167 

Brady, Ann 137 

Brinson, Daniel 25 

Brock, Ralph 135 

BrowTi, Morgan, Jr 133 

Brown, William 158, 164 

Buehannan, John 215 

Buck, George 225 

Buckinham, Howel 133 

Budd, John 25 

Burton, Samuel 206 

Byllinge, Edward 232 

Byrnes, Daniel 167 

Oanby, Samuel 69 

Chambers, Rebeckah 141, 144 

Chance, Batchelder 137 

Chase, Joshua Coffin 21 

Cherix, Arthur 218, 219 

" Chestnut Grove," 16, 38, 229 

Chew, Elizabeth Benson (m. 

Johns) 17 

Churehuiar, George 72, 

170, 177, 198 

Clark, Benjamin 167 

Clark, William 25 

Clarkson, Thomas 39 

Clayton, Sarah 135, 137 

Clift, Samuel 25 

Coale, Ann {m. Warner) 15 

Cole, Edward 116 

Colebrookdale Furnace 13 



234 



INDEX. 



Coombe, Nathaniel 137 

Cooper, David 167 

Coibit, Israel 151 

Corbit, William 151 

Cordery, Deborah (?) 13 

Cordery, Esther (m. Mifflin) . . 13 

Cordery, Hugh 13 

Corse, Isaac 133 

Corse, Mary 133 

Corse, MichI 133 

Coston, Ezekiel 69, 70 

Cowgill, Clayton. .18, 109, 137, 226 

Cowgill, Elizabeth 166 

Cowgill, Ezekiel 135, 143, 

144, 145, 148, 149 151 

Cowgill, John 109, 139, 

143, 145 151 

Cowgill, John, Jr 137 

Cox, John 177 

Cox, Susannah 166 

Cresson, James 170 

Crew, John 133 

Cummins, George 227 

Curtis, Elizabeth (m. Foulke) 232 

Daniel, Elizabeth 135 

Dickenson, Saml 131 

Dickenson, Walter 131 

Dickenson, Wm 133 

Dickinson, Hannah 131 

Dickinson, Jno 104, 131, 140 

Dickinson, Judith 131 

Dickinson, Nancy 133 

Dickinson, Kebecca 131 

Dickinson, Eobert, Jr 131 

Dillwyn, George 167 

Dolby, John 137 

Dolby, Sarah 137 



Dolby, Susan 137 

Dolby, William 137 

Drinker, Henry 170, 198, 199 

Drinker, John 170, 198 

Duncan, George 129, 133 

Dunlap, John 36 

Edmondson, Solomon 131 

Edmondson, Susannah 137 

Edmondson, William 131 

Emlen, Ann (?) 17, 224 

Emlen, Ann (w. Mifflin) 16, 

152, 211-217, 223, 225 228 

Emlen, George 17 

Emlen, James 224 

Emlen, Joshua 228 

Emlen, Samuel 158, 170 

Emlen, Samuel, Jr 164 

Evans, David 167 

Evans, John 177 

Evans, Jonathan 199, 202 

Evans, Rebecca (m. Mifflin) . . 14 

Eyre, Ann 208 

Eyre, Daniel 10-12, 204, 205 

Eyre, Hall 12 

Eyre, John 11, 12 

Eyre, Mary {m. (1) Littleton, 

(2) Mifflin) 10, 114, 

203, 204, 208 210 

Eyre, Thomas (I.) 11 

Eyre, Thomas (II.) 11, 12 

Eyre, Thomas (grandson of 

Ann) 203 

Fariss (Ferris?), John 107 

Farson, Jane 135 

Farson, William 135 

Fenwick, John 232 

Ferris, Zecah 135 



235 



" Fountain Green " 9, 13, 

14, 26, 28-31 229 

Fisher, Alice IGG 

Fisher, Fenwick 135, 139 

Fisher, Grace 135 

Fitchell, Thomas 206 

Foulke, Elizabeth (m. Skirm) . 232 
Foulke, Mary (wife of 

Thomas, Sr.) 232 

Foulke, Sarah (Hi. Thorn) 232 

Foulke, Thomas, Sr 232 

Foulke, Thomas, Jr 232 

Fowler, Elizabeth {m. Skirm) . 232 
Gallowaj'^, Susanna {tn. Johns) 16 

Garshiek, John 131 

Gay, Ebenezer 20 

Gay, Martha Stone 22 

Gay, Martin 22 

Gay, Mary Otis (m. Willcox) . 22 

Gay, Sarah Mifflin 22, 38 

Gay, Sidney Howard 20 

Gay, Walter Otis 22 

George, Ann 137 

George, John 137 

Gibbons, Abraham . . 170, 177, 199 

"Golden Quarter" 11, 12 

Goodenow, Annie (m. Willcox) 22 

Gore, Thomas 218 

Gore, William 209 

Gorse, Israel 157 

Griscom, Hannah Woodnut 

(m. Neall) 20 

Griscom, Dr. John D 20 

Haines, Caspar W 106 

Hammon, Mary 135 

Hand, James 137 

Hann, Jonathan 153, 157 



Hann, Patience 157 

Hanson, Samuel 135 

Hanson, Thomas 138 

Hanson, Timothy 135, 137 

Hardcastle, Elizabeth 137 

Hardcastle, Philip 137 

Hardy, Elizabeth (m. Mifflin) 

9, 31, 32 34 

Harrison, Rachel 13J. 

Hartshorne, Richard 199 

Heaverlon, Daniel 146 

Heil, Jacob 209 

Hickman, Levin 218, 219 

Holiday, Ann 141 

Holland, Nehemiah 127 

Holliday, Robert 148, 151 

Hoops, Esther 141 

Hosier, Mary 133 

Hoskins, John 107, 199 

Hoskins, Robert 25 

Howe, General Sir William, 40, 

46-55, 64, 73, 74, 158, 162. ... 163 
Howell, Deborah (m. Mifflin) . 17 

Howell, Elizabeth 137 

Howell, Isaac 135 

Howell, Samuel ... 18, 149, 227, 228 

Howell, Susanna 131 

Howland, Joseph G 137 

Hull, David 133 

Hunn, Anne 221 

Hunn, Ezek 137 

Hunn, Jonathan 137, 141 

Himn, Jonathan, Jr. ... IS, 226-228 

Hunn, Patience 137 

Hunt, John 199 

Husband, Joseph 15 

Ivins, Diademia (/«. Thorn).. 232 



236 



Jackson, Isaac 141, 161 

Jackson, William 144 

Jackson, William, Jr 141 

James, Charles 211 

Janney, Jacob 139 

Jefferys, Sarah (m. Robinson) 14 

Jenkins, Hannah 135 

Jenkins, Jabez 133 

Jenkins, Jabez (son of Timo- 

othy) 145 

Jenkins, Jonathan 137 

Jenkins, Joseph 112, 116, 

128, 148 140 

Jenkins, Thomas 137 

Johns, Elizabeth (in. Mifflin) 

16, 17, 39, 57 138 

Johns, Jacob 133 

Johns, Kinsey (I.) 17 

Johns, Kinsey (II.) 16, 69 

Johns, Richard 17 

Jones, Griffith 133 

Jones, Mary 133 

Justice, Cecilia 21 

Justice, Hilda 21, 232 

Justice, Mary Cook (m. (1) 

Lee, (2) Chase) 21 

Justice, Theodore 20, 232 

Justice, Warner 232 

Justice, William Warner . .21, 232 

Justice, William Wirt 20 

Kellee, James 129 

Kendall, Mary 11 

Kendall, Lieut.-Col. Wm 11, 12 

Kendall, William, Jr 11 

Kennard, Phillip 131 

Kennard, Sarah, Sr 133 

Kensey, Elizabeth (m. Johns) . 17 



Keys, John 225 

Kirkbride, Robert 167 

Kniphausen, General 163 

Kuper, Charlotte (m. Wal- 

baum) 20 

Lamb, Joshua 133 

Laurance, Benj 131 

Laws, Elizabeth (m. Mifflin). . 19 

Laws, John 228 

Lay, Baptist 121, 125, 151 

Lay, Philenia 141 

Lee, Benjamin 22 

Lee, Leighton (I.) 21 

Lee, Leighton (II.) 22 

Lee, Philip Leighton 22 

Lee, William Justice 22 

Lewis, Henry 32 

Lewis, John 218, 219 

Lightfoot, Thos., Jr 135 

Lindley, Jacob. . .167, 170, 198, 199 

Littleton, Southey 10 

Lowles, Michael 137 

Lucas, Robert and John 25 

Luff, Lydia 137 

Lundy, Jacob 72 

McKay, Alexander 141 

McKee, Dr 224 

Marlow, Gregory 232 

Mason, Benjamin 170, 177 

Mattarris, (?) 133 

Maxfield, Joseph 133, 208, 209 

Maxfield, Stephen 210 

Mifflin, Ann 137 

Mifflin, Ann (IV.) 16, 36, 203, 204 

Mifflin, Ann (V.-l) 17 

Mifflin, Ann (V.-2) 17 

Mifflin, Ann (VI.) (m. Raisin) 

18, 226 



INDEX. 



237 



Mifflin, Ann H 137 

Mifflin, Benjamin 36 

Mifflin, Charles 36, 210 

Mifflin, Daniel (IV.) . . .15, 16, 
36, 38, 69, 112, 114, 117, 121, 
122, 125-128, 143, 145, 166, 

207, 208, 210-217 

Mifflin, Daniel (V.) 17, 

125-127, 154, 155, 210, 220, 

222, 226-228 

Mifflin, Daniel, Jr 137 

Mifflin, Debby 137 

Mifflin, Edward (III.) 10, 

35, 30, 205 209 

Mifflin, Edward (V.) 17 

Mifflin, Edward (son of Sam- 
uel) 210 

Mifflin, Eleanor 9, 27, 32 

Mifflin, Elizabeth (?) 13 

Mifflin, Elizabeth (?) 14 

Mifflin, Elizabeth (w. Oram) 

13, 35 36 

Mifflin, Elizabeth (IV.) 30 

Mifflin, Elizabeth (V.-l) 18 

Mifflin, Elizabeth (V.-2) (w. 

Howell) 18, 221 

Mifflin, Elizabeth (VI.-l) 18 

Mifflin, Elizabeth (VI.-2) (m. 

Cowgill) 18, 109, 226 

Mifflin, Eyre (m. BeiTy) 18, 

157 221 

Mifflin, George (III.) ...13, 35, 36 

Mifflin, George (IV.) 36 

Mifflin, George (V.) 210 

Mifflin, Hannah 19 

Mifflin, Jane (/?;. Waller) 14, 
35 36 



Mifflin, John (I.) .9, 24, 

25-27, 31, 32, 34 38 

Mifflin, John (II.) 9, 24, 

25, 27, 31, 32, 34, 38 207 

Mifflin, John (III.) . . 13, 35, 36, 205 
Mifflin, John (IV.) (son of Ed- 
ward) 15, 36 

Mifflin, John (IV.) (son of 

George) 36 

Mifflin, John (IV.) (son of 

John) 36 

Mifflin, Jonathan 14 

Mifflin, Colonel Jonathan .... 29 
Mifflin, Jonathan (" the His- 
torian ") 14, 29, 35, 36 

Mifflin, Jonathan, " Senior " 

33, 34, 37 
Mifflin, Jonathan Walker. 137, 

220 221 

Mifflin, Lemuel 19, 137, 

157, 225, 226 228 

Mifflin, Mary ( dau. of Samuel) 210 
Mifflin, Mary (dau. of Southey) 210 

Mifflin, Mary (V.) 17 

Mifflin, Mary (VI.) 18, 210 

Mifflin, Mary Ann 19 

Mifflin, Mary H 137 

Mifflin, Patience (III.) 13,35,36,37 

Mifflin, Patience (IV.) 36 

Mifflin, Patience (V.) (m. 

Hunn) IS, 221 

Mifflin, Rebecca {m. Rowland) 

18, 221 

Mifflin, Samuel 133 

Mifflin, Saml 137 

Mifflin, Samuel (III.) ...14, 35, 36 
Mifflin, Samuel (IV.) (son of 
Edward) . . . 16, 36, 207, 208, 210 



238 



Mifflin, Samuel (IV.; (son of 

Jonathan) 3G 

Mifflin, Samuel Emlen, 19, 

157, 225, 226-228 

Mifflin, Sarah (IV.) (dau. of 

George) 3G 

Mifflin, Sarah (IV.) (dau. of 

Jonathan) 36 

Mifflin, Sarah (V.-l) 17 

Mifflin, Sarah ( V.-2) 18 

Mifflin, Sarah (VI.) 18 

Mifflin, Sarah (VI.) (m. Neall) 

19 226 

Mifflin, Sarah Ann 137 

Mifflin, Southey (IV.) 16, 

36, 207 208 

Mifflin, Southey (V.) 210 

Mifflin, Susanna 19, 226 

Mifflin, Major-General Thomas 43 

Mifflin, Walker 17, 121, 125 

Mifflin, Warner (V.) 16, 

121, 125, 127, 128, 135, 137, 
138, 158, 164-167, 170, 177, 
198, 199, 210-217, 219, 222, 231 
(See also Table of Contents) . 

Mifflin, Warner (VI.) 18, 226 

Miller, Mark 177, 198, 199 

Mills, John 204 

Mooney, Thomas 106 

Morine, John I. M 206 

Morris, Jam R 217 

Morris, Joshua 158, 164 

Morris, Thomas 170, 198, 199 

Neall, Adelaide Walbaum .... 21 
Neall, Anna Vaughan (m. Jus- 
tice) 20, 2,32 



Neall, Cecilia Helen 21 

Neall, Charlotte Walbaum. ... 21 

Neall, Daniel (I.) 19, 231 

Neall, Daniel (II.) 21 

Neall, Eliza To^^^^send {m. Jus- 
tice) 20 

Neall, Elizabeth Johns (m. 

Gay) 20 

Neall, Frank Lesley 20 

Neall, Jonathan 137 

Neall, Josephine 21 

Neall, Margaret Acton 21 

Neall, Sarah 19 

Neall, Warner Mifflin 19 

Neech, Ann (m. Eyre) 10, 203 

Needham, Phebe 133 

Needles, Edward 137 

Needles, Elizabeth 137 

Needles, Trustrem (?) 107 

Nelson, Susannah 210 

Newlin, Eliza 137 

Newlin, Sarah Ann (m. Mifflin) 18 

Newlin, William 137 

Nock, Anne 203-205 

Nock, Daniel 133, 203, 210 

Nock, Ezekiel 135, 203 

Nock, James 210 

Nock, Patience 204 

Nock, Sarah 135, 203-205 

Nock, Sarah, Jr 135 

Nock, Thomas 137, 204, 205 

Ookford, Aaron 226 

Oram, Benjamin 13 

Otis, Mary Allyn (m. Gay) ... 20 

Ozburn, Eunice 135 

Ozburn, Jonathan 135 

Parrish, John 167, 198, 199 



INDEX. 



239 



Paschal, Isaac 37 

Paxson, Oliver 72, 199 

Peirce, Andrew 133 

Pemberton, James . . . 167, 170, 177 

Penn, William 26, 27, 31, 232 

" Pharsalia " 10, 16, 229 

Potts, Captain Francis 11 

Potts, Joseph 170, 177 

Powell, Danl 131 

Powell, Danl., Jr 131 

Powell, Howell 131 

Powell, John 131 

Powell, Sarah 131, 133 

Powell, William 14 

Pusey, Joshua 15, 170 

Pusey, Mary (?) 15 

Pusey, Mary (m. (!) Husband, 

(2) Mifflin) 15 

Easin, Abiaham 133 

Rasin, Eliza M 137 

Easin, George 133, 212 

Easin, Margaret 133 

Easin, Mary 133 

Easin, Warner 18, 226 

Easin, William 133 

Eevell, Thomas 25 

Eichardson, Ann 133 

Eichardson, Benj 133 

Eichardson, Thos 133 

Eobertsor, Ann 210 

Eobinson, Eichai-d 14 

Eobinson, Sarah (m. Mifflin) . 14 
Eowland, Isaiah, 137, 149, 153, 166 
Eowland, Joseph Galloway. . . 18 

Eowland, Euth 137 

Eowle, Hezekiah 133 

Eutter, Thomas 163 



Savage, Thomas, Jr 10 

Savery, William 104, 170, 177 

Schooley, Maiy (m. Thorn) . . 232 

Scott, Job 71 

Selby, John 215, 216 

Seston, Mary 141 

Sharp, Peter 131 

Sharp, Wm 131 

Sharpies, Eachel 137 

Sibly, Thomas 25 

Simpson, John 154, 170, 198 

Sipple, Garrett 225 

Skirm, Abram 232 

Skirm, Huldah (m. Wooley) . . 232 

Skirm, Eichard 232 

Smith, Jane, Jr 166 

Smith, Samuel 129, 219 

Spavold, Samuel 135 

Stacy, Mahlon 232 

Starr, James 112 

Stephens, John 131 

Stephens, Magda 131 

Stevens, Elizabeth 133 

Stewardson, Thomas 199 

Stone, Julia De Witt {m. Gay) 22 

Stone, William F 22 

Sturgis, Outlis 215, 216 

Tatnel, Joseph 170 

Thomas, Eebe'cca 133 

Thompson, Dowd 133 

Thorn, Huldah (m. Justice) . . 232 

Thorn, Isaac 232 

Thorn, Isaac, Jr 232 

Thorn, John 232 

Thorn, Joseph 232 

Thornton, James 74. 158, 164 

Troth, Eliza, Jr 131 



240 



Troth, Henry 131 

Troth, Samuel 198 

Truett, Solomon 135 

Trulock, Henry 133 

Wainwright (?) 137 

Walbaum, Rev. Adolphus .... 20 
Walbaum, Wilhelmina (m. 

Neall) 20 

Walker, Ann (m. Mifflin) 15, 

121, 125 

Walker, John 15 

Waller, John 14 

Wain, Nicholas 158, 159, 

164, 170, 173, 176, 182, 198, 199 

Walton, John 209 

Warner, Joseph 15, 133, 211 

Washington, George 40, 56, 

64, 73, 74, 158, 162-164 

Webb, Mary 131 

Webb, Sarah 131 

Webb, Sary, Jr 131 

West, Joseph 107, 170 

Wethred, John 211 et seq. 



Wilks, Thos 133 

Willcox, Anna Goodenow .... 23 

Willcox, Daniel 23 

Willcox, Elizabeth Neall 23 

Willcox, Henry 23 

Willcox, Sydney Gay 23 

Willcox, William Goodenow . . 22 

Willcox, William Henry 22 

Wilson, Daniel 135 

Wilson, George 133 

Wilson, James 133 

Wilson, Patience 135 

Wilson, Ruth 135 

Wilson, Sarah 133 

Wilson, Thos 135, 138 

Wilson, William 141, 166 

Wooley, James 232 

Wooley, Mary (m. Thorn) .... 232 

Worcester, Noah 73 

Wright, Cecilia (m. Anderson) 20 

Yarnall, Eli 167, 177 

Young, Martha (m. Stone) .... 22 








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